MORPHOSYNTACTIC ALIGNMENT OF HÑÄHÑU (MEZQUITAL VALLEY OTOMI)

Hernández-Green, Néstor

Néstor Hernández-Green

Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social (CIESAS CDMX), Mexico City Unit. Tlalpan - Mexico City, Mexico. nestorhgreen@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8553-8245

Tables (53)

Thumbnail

S sole argument of an intransitive verb A most actor-like argument in a transitive verb P3 not most actor-like argument in a transitive verb G the most goal-like (or ground-like) argument in a ditransitive verb T the most patient-like argument in a ditransitive verb

Thumbnail

‘yófri ‘drive; pierce, sprout’ (A) ‘yǒfri ‘muleteer’ (BA) (HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al., 2010, p.xx)

Thumbnail

‘o ‘be inside (imperfective)’ (B)

Thumbnail

‘ñó ‘be inside (perfective)’ (A) (WALLIS, 1956, p.455)

Thumbnail

ra ngu ‘the house’ rá ngu ‘his/her/their house’

Thumbnail

gá xipi ‘you told him/her/them’ ga xipi ‘I’ll tell him/her/them'

Thumbnail

ra nzupa xat'a rá mui (A, P) ra=nzupa xat'a=rá mui sg=monkey scratch=sg.3poss belly ‘The monkey scratches its belly.’

Thumbnail

di nxat'i ko yá ne (A=P) di=n-xat'i ko=yá ne prs=mid-scratch with=pl.3poss mouth ‘They (i.e. horses) scratch each other with their mouths.’ (HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al., 2010)

Thumbnail

ndá tsǐ [ra déhe]NP ndá=tsǐ ra déhe dep.1.pst=ingest sg water ‘(When) I drank (the) water.’ (HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al., 2010, p.372)

Thumbnail

dá ntsǐthe dá=n-tsǐ-the 1.pst=infl-ingest-water ‘I drank water.’ (HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al., 2010, p.349)

Thumbnail

bí=tséki ya zǎ prs.csl=cut.off pl tree ‘He's cutting off (the) trees.' (HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al., 2010, p.347)

Thumbnail

dá=n-tséka zǎ 1.pst=infl-cut.off tree ‘I cut off trees.’ (HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al., 2010, p.347)

Thumbnail

Table 1
Valency relations between some Hñähñu stem formatives

Thumbnail

Table 2
Person marking in Hñähñu verb proclitics

Thumbnail

dí=tóp-'a=‘i (transitive A) 1.prs=wait.for-2obj=2 ‘I wait for you.’

Thumbnail

dí=néi(=gi) (agentive S) 1.prs=dance=1 ‘I dance.’

Thumbnail

dí=hñeni(=gi) (non-agentive S) 1.prs=get.sick=1 ‘I get sick.’

Thumbnail

dí=sehe (=gi) (stative S) 1.prs=be.alone=1 ‘I am alone.’

Thumbnail

intransitive transitive middle 13) pat'i pa'ti mpa'ti ‘heat (oneself) up’ mobo pobo mpobo ‘get (oneself) wet’ zt’i tst’i ntst’i ‘burn (oneself)’ tsábi tsabi ntsabi ‘get/make tired’ néki ‘be seen; appear’

Thumbnail

accusative p. non-agentive 14) a. dá ‘yot’i bi ‘yot’agi ‘I got thin’ dá jt’i bi jgit’a ‘I choked’ dá tset'i bi tset'agi ‘I got cold’ dá hǎt'i bi hǎt'agi ‘I paled (because of illness)’ dá huät'i bi huät'agi ‘I shivered’ dá tsíti bi zítagi ‘I got worse (illness)’ dá niti bi nitagi ‘I got goosebumps’ dá xǐts'i bi xǐts'agi ‘I got goosebumps’ b. dí fónt'i fónt'igi ‘I stink’ dá ñäni bi ñänigi ‘I healed’ dá neni bi nenigi ‘I swelled’ dá ‘bá’ti bi ‘bá’tigi ‘I wrinkled/shriveled’ dá kǔi bi yǔigi ‘I sank’ dá hodu bi hodugi ‘I fainted’

Thumbnail

grá=bädi Élía 2.npred=wiseman Elijah ‘You are the prophet Elijah’ (WBT, 2008)

Thumbnail

Table 3
S-marking patterns by predicate type

Thumbnail

Table 4
Hñähñu person suffixes

Thumbnail

Table 5
Morphophonological changes with 1^st person suffix

Thumbnail

kámfri=gi (P,G) believe=1 ‘S/he believes in me.’ ‘S/he believes that from me.’

Thumbnail

‘ótho=gi (Aexp) there.is.not=1 ‘I don't have (it).' (Lit. ‘there isn't for me')

Thumbnail

di=mfáda=gi (P) prs=insist=1 ‘S/he insists to me.’11

Thumbnail

di=pa'ti=gi (P, G) prs=heat.up=1 ‘S/he heats me up.’ ‘S/he heats it up for me.’

Thumbnail

tai=gi (P) buy=1 ‘S/he buys me.’

Thumbnail

suffix enclitic 19) a. di=mä-ka(=gi) ∼ di=mädi=gi prs=love-1obj=1 prs=love=1 ‘S/he loves me.’ ‘S/he loves what is mine.’ b. bi=hand-ga(=gi) ∼ bi=handi=gi pst=see-1obj=1 pst=see=1 ‘S/he saw me.’ ‘S/he saw what is mine.’ c. mí=tén-ga(=gi) ∼ mí=téni=gi imprf=follow- 1obj= 1 imprf=follow=1 ‘S/he was following me.’ ‘S/he was following what is mine.’

Thumbnail

Table 6
Morphophonological changes with 2^nd person suffix

Thumbnail

kámfri=‘i (P,G) believe=2 ‘S/he believes in you.’ ‘S/he believes that from you.’

Thumbnail

‘ótho=‘i (Aexp) there.is.not=2 ‘You don't have (it).' (Lit. ‘there isn't for you')

Thumbnail

di=mfáda=‘i (P) prs=insist=2 ‘S/he insist to you.’12

Thumbnail

di=pa'ti=‘i (P,G) prs=heat.up=2 ‘S/he heats you up.’ ‘S/he heats it up for you.’

Thumbnail

tai=‘i (P) buy=2 ‘S/he buys you.’

Thumbnail

suffix enclitic 21) a. di=mä-'a(=‘i) ∼ di=mädi=‘i prs=love-2obj=2 prs=love=2 ‘S/he loves you.’ ‘S/he loves what is yours.’ b. bi=hant-'a(=‘i) ∼ bi=handi=‘i pst=see-2obj=2 pst=see=2 ‘S/he saw you.’ ‘S/he saw what is yours.’ c. mí=tén-'a(=‘i) ∼ mí=téni=‘i imprf=follow-2obj=2 imprf=follow=2 ‘S/he was following you.’ ‘S/he was following what is yours.’

Thumbnail

pa-ga=gi vs. pa-ka=gi sell-1obj=1 sell-1obj=1 ‘S/he sells me.’ ‘S/he sells it to me.

Thumbnail

tso-'a=‘i vs. těk-'a=‘i leave-2obj=2 leave-2obj=2 ‘S/he leaves you.’ ‘S/he finishes it up for you.

Thumbnail

tai=‘i vs. tamp-'a=‘i buy=2 buy-2obj=2 ‘S/he buys you.’ ‘S/he buys it from you.’

Thumbnail

Table 7
Morphophonological changes with 3^rd person suffix

Thumbnail

kámfri(=bi) P, G believe=3obj ‘S/he believes in him/her.’ ‘S/he believes that from him/her.’

Thumbnail

‘ótho=bi Aexp there.is.not=3obj ‘S/he doesn't have (it).' (Lit. ‘there isn't for him/her')

Thumbnail

di=mfáda=bi P prs=insist=3obj ‘S/he insists to him/her.’

Thumbnail

di=pa'ti=bi G prs=heat.up=3obj ‘S/he heats it up for him/her.’

Thumbnail

suffix enclitic 24) a. di=mät-ua(=bi) ∼ di=mädi=bi prs=love-3obj=3obj prs=love=3obj ‘S/hei loves what is his/hersj.’ b. bi=hand-ua(=bi) ∼ bi=handi=bi pst=see-3obj=3obj pst=see=3obj ‘S/hei saw what is his/hersj.’ c. mí=tém-ba(=bi) ∼ mí=téni=bi imprf=follow-3obj=3obj imprf=follow=3obj ‘S/hei was following what is his/herj.’

Thumbnail

‘bědi vs. ‘bět-ua=bi lose lose-3obj=3obj ‘S/he loses it.’ ‘S/hei loses what is his/hersj.’

Thumbnail

tsógi vs tsók-ua=bi leave leave-3obj=3obj ‘S/he leaves it.’ ‘S/he leaves it to him/her.’

Thumbnail

tai vs. tam-ba=bi buy buy-3obj=3obj ‘S/he buys it.’ ‘S/he buys it from him/her.’

Thumbnail

tambabi rá hmě (A,G) tam-ba=bi=rá hmě buy-3obj=3obj=sg.3poss tortilla ‘S/hei buys him/herj (his/herj) tortilla.’

Thumbnail

di ntamba hmě (A=G) di=n-tam-ba hmě prs=mid -buy-recp tortilla ‘They buy each other tortillas.’

Thumbnail

dí ntamba hméhu (A=G) dí=n-tam-ba hmě=hu 1. prs=mid-buy-recp tortilla=pl ‘We (i.e. you and I) buy each other tortillas.’

Thumbnail

Table 8
Morphosyntactic object alignment tests in three Otomi languages

			examples:
			intr.	tr.	ditr.
+di	↔	+ti		‘údi ‘point to’	‘úti ‘show (sb.)’
+i	↔	+N		tai ‘buy’	tam-⁵ 5 The hyphen to the right of the verb stem tam- ‘buy (from sb.)’ indicates that such stem must always occur followed by a person suffix (see §3rd person object). ‘buy (for sb.)’
+i	↔	+'mi	‘bǎi ‘stand up’	‘ba'mi ‘put up’
+i	↔	+mi	hóe ‘fall’	homi ‘fell’
+gi	↔	+ki	xógi ‘open’	xóki ‘open’
+t'i	↔	+'ti	huét'i ‘go out (fire)’	hué'ti ‘put out (fire)’
+ts'i	↔	+'tsi	ñuts'i ‘be full’	ñu'tsi ‘fill’

			mood
aspect	tense	person	realis	irrealis
imperfective	present	1^st	dí=
		2^nd	gí=
		(3^rd)	(di=)
	imperfect	1^st	ndí=
		2^nd	ngí=
		(3^rd)	mí=
perfective	past	1^st	dá=
		2^nd	gá=
		(3^rd)	bi=
	perfect	1^st	stá=
		2^nd	xká=
		(3^rd)	xa=
	future	1^st		ga=
		2^nd		gi=
		(3^rd)		da=

		accusative p.	non-agentive
14)	a.	dá ‘yot’i	bi ‘yot’agi	‘I got thin’
		dá jt’i	bi jgit’a	‘I choked’
		dá tset'i	bi tset'agi	‘I got cold’
		dá hǎt'i	bi hǎt'agi	‘I paled (because of illness)’
		dá huät'i	bi huät'agi	‘I shivered’
		dá tsíti	bi zítagi	‘I got worse (illness)’
		dá niti	bi nitagi	‘I got goosebumps’
		dá xǐts'i	bi xǐts'agi	‘I got goosebumps’
	b.	dí fónt'i	fónt'igi	‘I stink’
		dá ñäni	bi ñänigi	‘I healed’
		dá neni	bi nenigi	‘I swelled’
		dá ‘bá’ti	bi ‘bá’tigi	‘I wrinkled/shriveled’
		dá kǔi	bi yǔigi	‘I sank’
		dá hodu	bi hodugi	‘I fainted’

predicate type	S-marking	(pattern)
verb	procl=	accusative
	=encl	non-agentive
	procl= ∼ =encl	fluid
noun	procl=	accusative
noun	=encl	non-agentive
adjective	=encl	non-agentive

	suffix	enclitic	thematic role(s)
1^st	-ga, -ka; -gi, -ki	=gi	{P, G, A_exp}
2^nd	-'a; -'i	='i
3^rd	-ba, -pa, -ua; -bi, -pi, -ui	=bi

allomorph	formative	change	example	suffixed example
-ga/-gi	Ø	–	pa	pa-ga(=gi)	‘s/he sells me’
	+gi	→ Ø	tsógi	tsó-ga(=gi)	‘s/he leaves (it to) me’
	+ki	→ Ø	hóki	hó-ga(=gi)	‘s/he builds it for me’
	+nV	→ /n/	'ěnä	'ěn-ga(=gi)	‘s/he says it to me’
	+'mi	→ /b/	tó'mi	tób-ga(=gi)	‘s/he waits for me’
	+ndi	→ /nd/	handi	hand-ga(=gi)	‘s/he sees me’
-ka/-ki	Ø	–	pa	pa-ka(=gi)	‘s/he sells it to me’
	Ø	→ /nt/	h	hnt-ka(=gi)	‘s/he brings it to me’
	+hV	→ Ø	thä	t-ka(=gi)	‘s/he beats me’
	+bV		pobo	po-ka(=gi)	‘s/he gets me wet’
	+fV		xifi	xi-ka(=gi)	‘s/he tells me’
	+di		'adi	'a-ka(=gi)	‘s/he asks me for it’
	+'tsi	→ /s/	ko'tsi	kos-ka(=gi)	‘s/he gives it back to me’
	+'tsi	→ /'s/	pe'tsi	pe's-ka(=gi)	‘s/he hits me’
	+t'i	→ Ø	tst'i	ts-ka(=gi)	‘s/he burns me’
	+t'i	→ /t/	'ot'e	'ot-ka(=gi)	‘s/he makes it for me’
	+'ti	→ /t/	'úti	'út-ka(=gi)	‘s/he shows it to me’
	+ti	→ /t/	ju'ti	jut-ka(=gi)	‘s/he pays me’
	+pi	→ /p/	'ěpi	rí 'ñěp-ka(=gi)	‘it is convenient to me’
	+hni	→ /n/	pehni	pen-ka(=gi)	‘s/he sends (it to) me’
	+ts'i	→ /x/	fats'i	fax-ka(=gi)	‘s/he helps me’

allomorph	formative	change	example	suffixed example
-'a/-'i	Ø	–	pa	pa'a(='i)	‘s/he sells (it to) you’
	+hV	→ Ø	mihi	mi-'a(='i)	‘s/he borrows it from you’
	+fV		xifi	xi-'a(='i)	‘s/he tells you’
	+bV		pobo	po-'a(='i)	‘s/he gets you wet’
	+di		'adi	'a-'a(='i)	‘s/he asks you for it’
	+gi	→ Ø	tsógi	tsó-'a(='i)	‘s/he leaves (it to) you’
	+gi	→ /k/	těge	těk-'a(='i)	‘s/he finishes it up for you’
	+nV	→ /ñ/	'ěnä	'ěñ-'a(='i)	‘s/he says it to you’
	+ndi	→ /nt/	handi	hant-'a(='i)	‘s/he sees you’
	+ts'i	→ /x/	fats'i	fax-'a(='i)	‘s/he helps you’
	+'tsi	→ /ts/	ko'tsi	kots-'a(='i)	‘s/he gives it back to you’
	+pi	→ /p/	'ěpi	rí 'ñěp-'a(='i)	‘it is convenient to you’
	+'mi	→ /p/	to'mi	tóp-'a(='i)	‘s/he waits for you’
	+i	→ /mp/	tai	tamp-'a(='i)	‘s/he buys it from you’
	+hni	→ /mp/	pehni	pemp-'a(='i)	‘s/he sends (it to) you’
	+t'i	→ /t/	tst'i	tst-'a(='i)	‘s/he burns you’
	+'ti		ju'ti	jut-'a(='i)	‘s/he pays you’
	+ti		'úti	'út-'a(='i)	‘s/he shows it to you’

allomorph	formative	change	example	suffixed example
-ba/-bi	+i	→ /m/	tai	tam-ba(=bi)	‘s/he buys it from him/her’
	+nV	→ /m/	'ěnä	'ěm-ba(=bi)	‘s/he says it to him/her’
	+'mi	→ /'m/	na'mi	na'm-ba(=bi)	‘s/he hits him/her’
-pa/-pi	Ø	–	pa	pa-pa(=bi)	‘s/he sells it to him/her’
	+hV	→ Ø	mǐhi	mǐ-pa(=bi)	‘s/he borrows it from him/her’
	+fV		xifi	xi-pa(=bi)	‘s/he tells him/her’
	+di		'adi	'a-pa(=bi)	‘s/he asks him/her for it’
	+pi		'ěpi	rí 'ñě-pa(=bi)	‘it is convenient for him/her’
	+'mi	→ /'m/	kó'mi	kó'm-pa(=bi)	‘s/he covers it for him/her’
	+'tsi	→ /'s/	ko'tsi	ko's-pa(=bi)	‘s/he gives it back to him/her’
	+hni	→ /m/	pehni	pem-pa(=bi)	‘s/he sends it to him/her’
-ua/-ui	+gi	→ /k/	tsógi	tsók-ua(=bi)	‘s/he leaves it to him/her’
	+ki	→ /k/	hki	hk-ua(=bi)	‘s/he takes it from him/her’
	+di	→ /t/	'bědi	'bět-ua(=bi)	‘s/he_i loses what is his/hers_j’
	+ti		'úti	'út-ua(=bi)	‘s/he shows it to him/her’
	+t'i		'ot'e	'ot-ua(=bi)	‘s/he makes it for him/her’
	+'ti	→ /'t/	ju'ti	ju't-ua(=bi)	‘s/he pays him/her’
	+'tsi	→ /'ts/	kó'tsi	kó'ts-ua(=bi)	‘s/he spreads it on him/her’
	+ts'i	→ /ts/	'éts'i	'éts-ua(=bi)	‘s/he puts it on him/her’
	+ndi	→ /nd/	handi	hand-ua(=bi)	‘s/he_i sees what is his/hers_j’
	+nV	→ /nd/	pǒni	pǒnd-ua(=bi)	‘s/he changes it for him/her’

	Hñähñu	Acazulco	Querétaro
a. verbal agreement	{P, G}	{P, G}	{P, G}
b. reciprocal	{P, G}	{P, G}	?
c. word order	{P, T}	?	{P, T}
d. noun incorporation	{P, T}	?	?

Brasil

Brasil

MORPHOSYNTACTIC ALIGNMENT OF HÑÄHÑU (MEZQUITAL VALLEY OTOMI)

ABSTRACT:

S	sole argument of an intransitive verb
A	most actor-like argument in a transitive verb
P³ 3 Bickel (2012) uses letter “O” for this role.	not most actor-like argument in a transitive verb
G	the most goal-like (or ground-like) argument in a ditransitive verb
T	the most patient-like argument in a ditransitive verb

‘yófri	‘drive; pierce, sprout’	(A)
‘yǒfri	‘muleteer’	(BA)
(*HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al., 2010*HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ, L.; VICTORIA TORQUEMADA, M.; SINCLAIR CRAWFORD, D. Diccionario del hñähñu (otomí) del Valle del Mezquital. Ciudad de México: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 2010., p.xx)

gá xipi	‘you told him/her/them’
ga xipi	‘I’ll tell him/her/them'

ra nzupa xat'a rá mui			(A, P)
ra=nzupa	xat'a=rá	mui
sg=monkey	scratch=sg.3poss	belly
‘The monkey scratches its belly.’

di nxat'i ko yá ne			(A=P)
di=n-xat'i	ko=yá	ne
prs=mid-scratch	with=pl.3poss	mouth
‘They (i.e. horses) scratch each other with their mouths.’
(*HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al.,* 2010**HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ, L.; VICTORIA TORQUEMADA, M.; SINCLAIR CRAWFORD, D. Diccionario del hñähñu (otomí) del Valle del Mezquital. Ciudad de México: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 2010.)

ndá tsǐ [ra déhe]_NP
ndá=tsǐ	ra	déhe
dep.1.pst=ingest	sg	water
‘(When) I drank (the) water.’ (*HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al.,* 2010**HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ, L.; VICTORIA TORQUEMADA, M.; SINCLAIR CRAWFORD, D. Diccionario del hñähñu (otomí) del Valle del Mezquital. Ciudad de México: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 2010., p.372)

bí=tséki	ya	zǎ
prs.csl=cut.off	pl	tree
‘He's cutting off (the) trees.' (*HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al.,* 2010**HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ, L.; VICTORIA TORQUEMADA, M.; SINCLAIR CRAWFORD, D. Diccionario del hñähñu (otomí) del Valle del Mezquital. Ciudad de México: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 2010., p.347)

dá=n-tséka	zǎ
1.pst=infl-cut.off	tree
‘I cut off trees.’ (*HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ et al.,* 2010**HERNÁNDEZ CRUZ, L.; VICTORIA TORQUEMADA, M.; SINCLAIR CRAWFORD, D. Diccionario del hñähñu (otomí) del Valle del Mezquital. Ciudad de México: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano, 2010., p.347)

dí=tóp-'a=‘i	(transitive A)
1.prs=wait.for-2obj=2
‘I wait for you.’

dí=hñeni(=gi)	(non-agentive S)
1.prs=get.sick=1
‘I get sick.’

grá=bädi	Élía
2.npred=wiseman	Elijah
‘You are the prophet Elijah’ (WBT, 2008WYCLIFFE BIBLE TRANSLATORS [WBT]. Otomí Mezquital: Biblia. Singapore: Wycliffe Bible Translators, Inc., 2008. Disponible en: http://www.scriptureearth.org/data/ote/PDF/00-WNTote-web.pdf. Consultado el: 13 feb. 2018. http://www.scriptureearth.org/data/ote/P... )

di=mfáda=gi	(P)
prs=insist=1
‘S/he insists to me.’¹¹ 11 From Spanish enfadar ‘to bother’.

di=mfáda=‘i	(P)
prs=insist=2
‘S/he insist to you.’¹² 12 From Spanish enfadar ‘to bother’.

	intransitive	transitive	middle
13)	pat'i	pa'ti	mpa'ti	‘heat (oneself) up’
	mobo	pobo	mpobo	‘get (oneself) wet’
	zt’i	tst’i	ntst’i	‘burn (oneself)’
	tsábi	tsabi	ntsabi	‘get/make tired’
	néki			‘be seen; appear’

kámfri=gi	(P,G)
believe=1
‘S/he believes in me.’
‘S/he believes that from me.’

‘ótho=gi	(A_exp)
there.is.not=1
‘I don't have (it).' (Lit. ‘there isn't for me')

di=pa'ti=gi	(P, G)
prs=heat.up=1
‘S/he heats me up.’
‘S/he heats it up for me.’

		suffix	enclitic
19)	a.	di=mä-ka(=gi)	∼ di=mädi=gi
		prs=love-1obj=1	prs=love=1
		‘S/he loves me.’
		‘S/he loves what is mine.’
	b.	bi=hand-ga(=gi)	∼ bi=handi=gi
		pst=see-1obj=1	pst=see=1
		‘S/he saw me.’
		‘S/he saw what is mine.’
	c.	mí=tén-ga(=gi)	∼ mí=téni=gi
		imprf=follow- 1obj= 1	imprf=follow=1
		‘S/he was following me.’
		‘S/he was following what is mine.’

kámfri=‘i	(P,G)
believe=2
‘S/he believes in you.’
‘S/he believes that from you.’

‘ótho=‘i	(A_exp)
there.is.not=2
‘You don't have (it).' (Lit. ‘there isn't for you')

di=pa'ti=‘i	(P,G)
prs=heat.up=2
‘S/he heats you up.’
‘S/he heats it up for you.’

		suffix	enclitic
21)	a.	di=mä-'a(=‘i)	∼ di=mädi=‘i
		prs=love-2obj=2	prs=love=2
		‘S/he loves you.’
		‘S/he loves what is yours.’
	b.	bi=hant-'a(=‘i)	∼ bi=handi=‘i
		pst=see-2obj=2	pst=see=2
		‘S/he saw you.’
		‘S/he saw what is yours.’
	c.	mí=tén-'a(=‘i)	∼ mí=téni=‘i
		imprf=follow-2obj=2	imprf=follow=2
		‘S/he was following you.’
		‘S/he was following what is yours.’

pa-ga=gi	vs.	pa-ka=gi
sell-1obj=1		sell-1obj=1
‘S/he sells me.’		‘S/he sells it to me.

tso-'a=‘i	vs.	těk-'a=‘i
leave-2obj=2		leave-2obj=2
‘S/he leaves you.’		‘S/he finishes it up for you.

tai=‘i	vs.	tamp-'a=‘i
buy=2		buy-2obj=2
‘S/he buys you.’		‘S/he buys it from you.’

kámfri(=bi)	P, G
believe=3obj
‘S/he believes in him/her.’
‘S/he believes that from him/her.’

‘ótho=bi	A_exp
there.is.not=3obj
‘S/he doesn't have (it).' (Lit. ‘there isn't for him/her')

di=pa'ti=bi	G
prs=heat.up=3obj
‘S/he heats it up for him/her.’

		suffix	enclitic
24)	a.	di=mät-ua(=bi)	∼ di=mädi=bi
		prs=love-3obj=3obj	prs=love=3obj
		‘S/he_i loves what is his/hers_j.’
	b.	bi=hand-ua(=bi)	∼ bi=handi=bi
		pst=see-3obj=3obj	pst=see=3obj
		‘S/he_i saw what is his/hers_j.’
	c.	mí=tém-ba(=bi)	∼ mí=téni=bi
		imprf=follow-3obj=3obj	imprf=follow=3obj
		‘S/he_i was following what is his/her_j.’

‘bědi	vs.	‘bět-ua=bi
lose		lose-3obj=3obj
‘S/he loses it.’		‘S/he_i loses what is his/hers_j.’

tsógi	vs	tsók-ua=bi
leave		leave-3obj=3obj
‘S/he leaves it.’		‘S/he leaves it to him/her.’

tai	vs.	tam-ba=bi
buy		buy-3obj=3obj
‘S/he buys it.’		‘S/he buys it from him/her.’

tambabi rá hmě		(A,G)
tam-ba=bi=rá	hmě
buy-3obj=3obj=sg.3poss	tortilla
‘S/he_i buys him/her_j (his/her_j) tortilla.’