O sistema vocálico do Proto-Tupi: uma nova proposta reconstrutiva

Nikulin, Andrey; Carvalho, Fernando

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Sumário

Research Articles • Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum. 17 (2) • 2022 • https://doi.org/10.1590/2178-2547-BGOELDI-2021-0035 copiar

O sistema vocálico do Proto-Tupi: uma nova proposta reconstrutiva

Autoria SCIMAGO INSTITUTIONS RANKINGS

Resumo

O foco do presente trabalho é a reconstrução do sistema vocálico do Proto-Tupi, a língua ancestral da família linguística Tupi. A investigação baseia-se em uma aplicação bottom-up do método comparativo e busca oferecer uma reconstrução mais equilibrada, evitando uma influência desproporcional do ramo Tupi-Guarani. Mostraremos primeiro que a diferença de altura tradicionalmente reconstruída para a série de vogais arredondadas (*o vs. *u) pode ser melhor compreendida como uma oposição entre uma vogal não arredondada e uma vogal arredondada (*ə vs. *o). Argumentamos também que múltiplas instâncias de *e na reconstrução tradicional devem ser atribuídas a *ə. Por fim, duas vogais (simbolizadas *ɨ e *ɯ) devem ser reconstruídas em lugar do segmento *ɨ da reconstrução tradicional. Estas propostas têm implicação para a classificação interna da família Tupi.

Palavras-chave
Línguas Tupi; Reconstrução comparativa; Vogais; Mudança sonora

PT	PTG	Awetí	S.-Mawé	Yudjá	Mundurukú	Karitiana	Tuparí	Suruí-Paiter	Karo	Puruborá
*a	*a	a	a	a	a	o	a	a	a	a
*ɨ	*ɨ	ɨ	ɨ	i, ɨ	i	i, e	i, ʉ	i	ɨ, i	ɨ, i
*o	*o	o	o	a	ə	ɨ	o	a	a	a
*u	*u	u	u	u	o	ɨ	o	o	o	o
*e	e, o	e, o	e, o	e, a	e, ə	a	e	e	e	e
*i	*i	i	i	i	i	i	i	i	i	i

	PTG	Awetí	S.-Mawé	Yudjá	Mundurukú	Karitiana	Tuparí	S.-Paiter	Karo	Puruborá
(a)	*e	e	e	e	e	a	e	e	e	e
(b)	*o	o	o	a	ə	a	e	e	e	e
(c)	*o	o	o	a	ə	ɨ	o	a	a	a
(d)	*u	u	u	u	o	ɨ	o	o	o	o

PT	PMG	PMu	PJu	PTpr	Kt/Ari	Kr	Pu	Mo
*e	*e	*e	e, a^A	*e	a/æ	e	e	e, i^A
*ə	o, u^B	ɨ, o^B	a, u^BC	e, o^D	a/æ, ɨ/ʉ^D	o, ɨ, i, ə, ə̃, a, u	ə	a, (ə) e^E
*o	*u	*o	*u	*o	ɨ/ʉ	o	o	o

PT	PMG	PMu	PJu	PTpr	Kt/Ari	Kr	Pu	Mo
*i	*i	*i	*i	*i	i	i	i	i
*ɨ	*ɨ	*i	*ɨ	*i	i	i	i	i
*ɯ	*ɨ	*i	*ɨ	*ɨ	e	ɨ	ɨ	i
*e	*e	*e	e, a^A	*e	a/æ	e	e	e, i^A
*ə	o, u^B	ɨ, o^B	a, u^BC	e, o^D	a/æ, ɨ/ʉ^D	o, ɨ, i, ə, ə̃, a, u	ə	a, (?) e^E
*o	*u	*o	*u	*o	ɨ/ʉ	o	o	o
*a	*a	*a	*a	*a	o/ɒ	a	a	a

PT	PMG	PMu	PJu	PTpr	Kt/Ari	Kr	Pu	Mo
*p	*p	p/b ^A A between vowels; /*∅ ^B B before or flanked by front vowels;	p/b ^A A between vowels;	*p	P	p	**b/b ~ ʃ ^c c before i;***	P
[mb] m ^E E before nasal nuclei;	[mb] m ^E E before nasal nuclei;	p m ^E E before nasal nuclei;	p m ^E E before nasal nuclei;	[mb] m ^E E before nasal nuclei;	*[mb]* m ^E E before nasal nuclei;	m	m	b, Pa m *m ^E E before nasal nuclei;*
*β	*β	?	?	*β	?	?	?	?
*w	*w	w/∅ ^A A between vowels;	*w	*w	h/∅ ^D D in non-final syllables or between front vowels; /m ^E E before nasal nuclei;	w	w	*β, Pa w*
*t	t, tʲ ^c c before *i;	ʧ/ɟ ^A A between vowels; /ʧ ^c c before *i;	ʧ/d ^A A between vowels;	*t	t, Kt ʧ ^F F after j;	t	*d/n ^E E before nasal nuclei;*	t
[nd] n ^E E before nasal nuclei;	[nd]/ð ^A A between vowels; *n ^E E before nasal nuclei;	*ʧ ?	ʧ n ^E E before nasal nuclei;	[nd] n ^E E before nasal nuclei;	[nd] n ^E E before nasal nuclei;	[nd] n ^E E before nasal nuclei;	?	d, Pa n ?
*ð	*ð	*ʧ	*ɮ	*t	t	?	?	*(?) t*
*r	*r	*r	*r	*r	r	r	r	l, Pa r
*tʲ	*tʲ	*ʃ	**(?) ʃ***	?	*(?) s*	?	?	?
*c	*ć	*t	*t	*c	s	j	?	∅
*j	c, ć ^G G after i or c (PT cj > PMG ć);	*ð	*s ~ ʃ	j/[ɲ] ^E E before nasal nuclei;	*s/ɲ ^E E before nasal nuclei;*	*j ~ c*	*j ~ t ~ ʃ*	**dz ~ ts/j ^E E before nasal nuclei; /ʧ ^c c before i;***
*k	*k	*k	*k	*k	k	k		k
*kʲ	*k	k, ʃ ^H H before PT front or central vowels.	*k	ʔ ~ ∅	k	k	k	k
*ḳ	*ʔ	ʔ ~ ∅	∅	*k	ʔ	ʔ	ʔ	∅
[ŋg] ŋ ^E E before nasal nuclei;	[ŋg] ŋ ^E E before nasal nuclei;	*k	k n ^E E before nasal nuclei;	*[ŋg]	*[ŋg]* n	n	t ?	g, Pa ŋ n
*ʔ	*ʔ	ʔ ~ ∅	∅	*ʔ	ʔ	ʔ ~ ∅	ʔ ~ ∅	∅

PT	PMG	PMu	PJu	PTpr	Kt	Kr	Pu	Mo
*p	*p	p/m ^A A after nasal nuclei;	p/m ^A A after nasal nuclei;	*p	*p/m ^A A after nasal nuclei;*	*p/m ^A A after nasal nuclei;*	p	p, Pa b
*t	*t	t/n ^A A after nasal nuclei;	ɮ/n ^A A after nasal nuclei;	*t	*t/n ^A A after nasal nuclei;*	*t/n ^A A after nasal nuclei;*	t	t, Pa d
*c	*c	j/∅ ^B B after *i.	t/j ^A A after nasal nuclei;	c/∅ ^B B after *i.	**j/ɲ ^A A after nasal nuclei; /∅ ^B B after i.***	**j/∅ ^B B after i.***	c	j
*k	*k	k/ŋ ^A A after nasal nuclei;	k/∅ ^A A after nasal nuclei;	*k	*k/ŋ ^A A after nasal nuclei;*	*k/ŋ ^A A after nasal nuclei;*	k	k, Pa g

MCTI/Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi Coordenação de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação, Av. Perimetral. 1901 - Terra Firme, 66077-830 - Belém - PA, Tel.: (55 91) 3075-6186 - Belém - PA - Brazil
E-mail: boletim.humanas@museu-goeldi.br

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[1] Autor para correspondência: Fernando Carvalho. Museu Nacional/Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro. Quinta da Boa Vista, São Cristóvão, Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil. CEP 20940-040 (fernaoorphao@gmail.com).

(1)	PT *kʲet ‘to sleep’ (Rodrigues, 2005Rodrigues, A. D. (2005). As vogais orais do Proto-Tupí. In A. D. Rodrigues & A. S. A. C. Cabral (Orgs.), Novos estudos sobre línguas indígenas (pp. 35–46). Editora UnB., p. 40) > PTG *kʲeɾ, Aw *ket, Mw ket* \|\| Mu *ʃet* \|\| Tu *ʔet* \|\| Kt *kat* \|\| Kr *ket* \|\| Pu *kɛt-a* \|\| Pa keɾ
(2)	PT *men ‘husband’ (Rodrigues & Cabral, 2012Rodrigues, A. D., & Cabral, A. S. A. C. (2012). Tupían. In L. Campbell & V. Grondona (Eds.), The Indigenous languages of South America: A comprehensive guide (Vol. 2, pp. 495–574). Mouton de Gruyter., p. 507) > PTG *men, Aw men \|\| Yu méná, Xi mén-a \|\| Ma/Wy/Sk/Ak men \|\| Kt mãn, Ari man \|\| Kr mɛ́n \|\| Pu mɛn \|\| Ar men, Gv mẽt [mẽnt], Zo met
(3)	PT *epʷ ‘leaf’ (Rodrigues, 2005Rodrigues, A. D. (2005). As vogais orais do Proto-Tupí. In A. D. Rodrigues & A. S. A. C. Cabral (Orgs.), Novos estudos sobre línguas indígenas (pp. 35–46). Editora UnB., p. 40; Rodrigues & Cabral, 2012Rodrigues, A. D., & Cabral, A. S. A. C. (2012). Tupían. In L. Campbell & V. Grondona (Eds.), The Indigenous languages of South America: A comprehensive guide (Vol. 2, pp. 495–574). Mouton de Gruyter., p. 505) > PTG **(-)oβ, Aw (-)op, Mw -op* \|\| Mu -əp \|\| Yu -up-á ~ úp-a, Xi s-up-á \|\| Tu/Ak -ep \|\| Kt s-ap \|\| Pu tap \|\| Gv s-ep, Cl s-ép

(4)	PT *kˀɨp ‘tree, wood’ (Rodrigues, 2005Rodrigues, A. D. (2005). As vogais orais do Proto-Tupí. In A. D. Rodrigues & A. S. A. C. Cabral (Orgs.), Novos estudos sobre línguas indígenas (pp. 35–46). Editora UnB., p. 41; Rodrigues & Cabral, 2012Rodrigues, A. D., & Cabral, A. S. A. C. (2012). Tupían. In L. Campbell & V. Grondona (Eds.), The Indigenous languages of South America: A comprehensive guide (Vol. 2, pp. 495–574). Mouton de Gruyter., p. 506) > PTG *ʔɨβ, Aw/Mw *ʔɨp* \|\| Mu/Ku ʔip \|\| Yu ʔip-á \|\| PTpr *kɨp > Ma kɨp, Tu kʉp, Sk/Ak/Kp kɨp \|\| Kt *ʔep* \|\| Kr ma-ʔɨp \|\| Pu mamka-ʔɨp ‘castanha tree’ \|\| Pa [ʔ]íːb, Gv [ʔ]iip
(5)	PT pɨ ‘foot’ (Rodrigues, 2005Rodrigues, A. D. (2005). As vogais orais do Proto-Tupí. In A. D. Rodrigues & A. S. A. C. Cabral (Orgs.), Novos estudos sobre línguas indígenas (pp. 35–46). Editora UnB., p. 41; Rodrigues & Cabral, 2012Rodrigues, A. D., & Cabral, A. S. A. C. (2012). Tupían. In L. Campbell & V. Grondona (Eds.), The Indigenous languages of South America: A comprehensive guide (Vol. 2, pp. 495–574). Mouton de Gruyter., pp. 503, 504) > PTG pɨ, Aw/Mw pɨ \|\| Mu/Ku i \|\| Ma mi, Tu si-to, Sk/Ak pi \|\| Kt pi \|\| Kr pi, piː-be \|\| Pu ši-bɛ \|\| Pa píː-pe, Gv pi
(6)	PT **počɨj ~ pocɨj ‘heavy’ (Rodrigues, 2005Rodrigues, A. D. (2005). As vogais orais do Proto-Tupí. In A. D. Rodrigues & A. S. A. C. Cabral (Orgs.), Novos estudos sobre línguas indígenas (pp. 35–46). Editora UnB., p. 41; Rodrigues & Cabral, 2012Rodrigues, A. D., & Cabral, A. S. A. C. (2012). Tupían. In L. Campbell & V. Grondona (Eds.), The Indigenous languages of South America: A comprehensive guide (Vol. 2, pp. 495–574). Mouton de Gruyter., p. 504) > PTG pocɨj, Aw/Mw potɨj* \|\| Mupoši \|\| Yu i-pade-tú ~ pade-, Xi pade- \|\| Ma/Wa poti, Tu poci ~ posi \|\| Kt pɨti \|\| Kr piʔtí ~ piʔti \|\| Pa pati-ga, Ar ‹patií ~ pati-í› ‘heavy, thick’, Gv patií ~ patíì, Zo pati, Cl pattíí

(7)	PT *apə ‘interrogative word’ > PMG *apo (only Mw apo ‘yes/no question particle’) \|\| PMu *abɨ ‘who’ \|\| (?) PJu *apá ‘what’ \|\| PTpr *apo ‘who; what (subject)’
(8)	PT *ðəp ‘bitter’ > PMG *ðop \|\| PMu *ʧɨp \|\| PTpr *tep \|\| Kt taːp
(9)	PT *etə- ‘sociative causative’ > PMG *ero- \|\| (?) PMu *[ð]ɨɟɨ- (only Mu dəʤə) \|\| PTpr *ete- \|\| Kt at-ot ‘to take away’\|\| Kr ta-
(10)	PT **ək/jək ‘house’ > PMG ok/cok \|\| PMu ɨ́k-ʔa/ðɨ́k-ʔa \|\| PJu ak-á* \|\| PTpr **ek/jek \|\| Ari æk-ɒ ‘house’ \|\| Pu ʔək-a \|\| Ar ‹eg› ‘house, village’ derived: PT ək-at* ‘plaza’ > PMG *ok-at (only PTG *ok-at) \|\| Kt ak-ot ‘together’, Ari ækɒð-ɒ ‘plaza’ derived: PT **ək-ẽt/jək-ẽt ‘plaza’/‘door’ > PMG ok-ẽt* ‘door’ \|\| PMu **ɨk-ẽn/ðɨk-ẽn (only Ku ɨʃẽn ‘door’) \|\| PTpr ek-ẽt* (only Tu ek-ẽ́t ‘plaza’) \|\| Kt ak-ãn ‘village’
(11)	PT **əḳɯp/jəḳɯp ‘arrow’ > PMG uʔɨp/cuʔɨp \|\| PMu op/ðop \|\| PTpr ekɨp/jekɨp \|\| (?) Pa jáb, Ar ‹ndjap›, Gv ʤâp/áʤáp ~ íʤáp, Zo ʤap**
(12)	PT *jaḳək ‘army ant’ > PMG *caʔok (only PTG *taʔok) \|\| PMu *ðaʔɨk (only Mu daʔək) \|\| PTpr *jakek
(13)	PT *jəβa ‘forehead’ > PMG *coβa ‘face’ \|\| PTpr **jeβa*
(14)	PT *jəp ‘leaf’ > PMG *-cop \|\| PMu *ðɨp \|\| PJu *súp-á \|\| PTpr *jep \|\| Kt sap, Ari sæβ-ɒ \|\| Kr naʔ-jop \|\| Pu təp ‘leaf, hair’ \|\| Ar/Gv tsep, Zo sep, Sl bá-sep
(15)	PT *jəɯ ‘blood’ > PMG *cuɨ \|\| PMu *ðoj \|\| PTpr *jeɨ \|\| Ari ɲæ̃e \|\| Kr ju
(16)	PT kə ‘to go, to walk’ > (?) PMG [e]ko ‘to be, to live’ \|\| PMu *[kɨ]kɨ \|\| Kr kə \|\| Pa kaː, Gv kaà, Zo ka
(17)	PT *kəc ‘to plant’ > PMG *koc \|\| PJu *kat-ú ‘to bury, to plant’ \|\| Gv kaja
(18)	PT *kək ‘to hold’ > PMG *kok (only PTG *kok ‘to support’) \|\| PMu *kɨk (only Mu kək) \|\| Kt kak \|\| Kr kɨk
(19)	PT *mbə (absolute)/pə* (relational) ‘hand, finger, vine-like’ > PMG **mbo/po** \|\| PMu pɨ \|\| PJu bu-á \|\| PTpr *mbo ‘hand’ \|\| Kt pɨ, Aripʉ ‘hand’ \|\| Kr pɨ́ʔ ‘cylindrical and small’ \|\| Pu bə ‘long, vine-shaped’ \|\| Pa/Ar/Gv/Zo/Sl pá-be derived: PT *ɯtɯ-pə ‘vine’ > PMG *ɨtɨpo \|\| PMu *íʧi-bɨ \|\| PTpr *ɨtɨmbo (only Ma ‹ötömbó›) \|\| Kt tepɨ, Ari tepʉ derived: PT *ja-pə ‘root’ > PMG *capo \|\| PMu *tabɨ(ʔ) (fossilized 3^rd person)
(20)	PT *mbəc ‘snake’ > PMG *mboc \|\| PMu *pɨj \|\| PJu *put-á \|\| (?) Kr mə̃j[gə̃ra] \|\| Pu mə̃ɲ[ũp]]⁶ 6 Galucio (2005) gives the phonetic form as [mɐ̃ˈɲũm] and analyzes [ɐ̃] as a realization of /ã/. In Galucio et al. (2015, p. 271), the form mə̃jũp(m) is given instead. We assume the representation /ə̃/ for the vowel in question. \|\| Pa máj[kir], maj[kóːraː] (spp.), Gv/Zo baj
(21)	PT *mə̃- ‘causative’ > PMG *mõ- \|\| PMu *ma- \|\| PJu *mã- \|\| PTpr *mõ- \|\| Kt m- (irregular vowel loss), Ari mʉ̃- \|\| Kr ma- \|\| Gv mã-
(22)	PT *mə̃k ‘to stick, to glue’ > PMG *mõk \|\| PMu *mãŋ ‘to lean’
(23)	PT *ŋgə ‘cultivated field’ > PMG *ŋgo \|\| PMu kɨ ‘women’s field’ \|\| PJu kú-á \|\| PTpr *ŋge \|\| Kt ŋga, Ar ŋgæ \|\| Pu ‹tá’›_KG (if Koch-Grünberg’s ‹á› stands for ə) \|\| Pa ŋa, Ar ‹ngá›, Gv/Zo ga
(24)	*ŋgəat ‘sun’ > PMG *ŋguat \|\| (?) PMu *koa̰t[o] ‘summer’ \|\| PJu *kuaɮ[adɨ́] \|\| PTpr *ŋgeat ‘sun, sky’ \|\| Pa ŋád, Ar/Gv/Zo/Sl gát
(25)	*paβək ‘to be visible’ > PMu *-pápɨk (only Mu papə́k) \|\| PTpr *[e]paβok- (only Tu epapók- ‘to return’)
(26)	*pepʔə ‘wing, flight feather’ > PMG *pepo \|\| PJu *pebu-a \|\| PTpr *pepʔo \|\| Kt papɨ ‘arrow feather, fin’, Ari pæpʉ ‘wing’
(27)	PT *pətɨc ‘heavy’ > PMG *potɨc \|\| PMu *pɨ́ʧi \|\| PJu *padét-ú \|\| PTpr *poti \|\| Kt pɨti \|\| Krpiʔti \|\| Pa pati-ga, Ar ‹patií ~ pati-í› ‘heavy, thick’, Gv patíì
(28)	PT tə ‘to go (singular)’ > PMG to \|\| PMu ʧɨ \|\| PJu ʧa \|\| Kr ti
(29)	PT *-tə ‘pronominal formative (pl.)’ > PMG *-to \|\| PMu *-ɟɨ \|\| PTpr *-te \|\| Kt -ʧa /-ta/, Ari -tæ \|\| Kr -tə
(30)	PT *tə- ‘third person coreferential’ > PMG *to- (only Mw to-) \|\| (?) Xi d(u)-⁷ 7 Word-initially, PT t is expected to yield PJu ʧ > Xi t, not d. Also the regular reflex of PT ə is u only before vowels, but not before consonants. Together, these facts cast doubt on the inclusion of the Xipaya prefix in this cognate set. Note, however, that at least the apparently irregular vowel reflex could be attributed to leveling: at an earlier stage, da- may have occurred before consonants and du- before vowels. The allomorph du- is still used in some pre-vocalic contexts in Xipáya (du-ázi ‘his (own) wife’), but shows up as d- before unaccented vowels (d-aká ‘his/her (own) house’; Rodrigues, 1995, p. 12). \|\| PTpr te- \|\| Kt ta-, Ari tæ- \|\| Kr to-
(31)	PT *tək ‘to pound, to grind’ > PMG *tok \|\| PMu *ʧɨk (only Mu ʧək ‘to break’) \|\| PJu *(pá-)dák-u \|\| Kt tak
(32)	PT *tək ‘larva’ > PMG *tok (only PTG *tsok) \|\| PJu **[a]dák-á* \|\| PTpr *tek (only Tu tek) \|\| Kt [ken]tak \|\| Pa *[ka]déːg* ‘coconut larva’, (?) *[mãːm]nég* ‘caterpillar sp.’, (?) nég ‘boil’, Ar ‹mandeg› ‘caterpillar’, Gv mã-dék ‘lizard’
(33)	PT *ʔək ‘tuber’ > PMG *ʔok \|\| PMu *ʔɨk ‘belly’ \|\| PTpr ek (only Tu ek) derived: PT mãnĩ-ʔək ‘manioc’ > PMG *mãnĩʔok \|\| PMu *másɨk \|\| PJu *maniak-á

(38)	PT *jəβa ‘forehead’ (Rodrigues, 2007Rodrigues, A. D. (2007). As consoantes do Proto-Tupí. In A. S. A. C. Cabral & A. D. Rodrigues (Orgs.), Línguas e culturas Tupí (pp. 167–203). Curt Nimuendajú.: *epʷa ‘face’) > PMG *coβa \|\| PTpr *jeβa
(39)	PT **jopʔa* ‘face’ (Rodrigues, 2007Rodrigues, A. D. (2007). As consoantes do Proto-Tupí. In A. S. A. C. Cabral & A. D. Rodrigues (Orgs.), Línguas e culturas Tupí (pp. 167–203). Curt Nimuendajú.: *epʷa) > PMu *ðópa \|\| Kt sɨːpo ‘eye’, sɨpo ‘seed’

(41)	PT **ək/jək ‘house’ (Rodrigues, 2007Rodrigues, A. D. (2007). As consoantes do Proto-Tupí. In A. S. A. C. Cabral & A. D. Rodrigues (Orgs.), Línguas e culturas Tupí (pp. 167–203). Curt Nimuendajú.: ekʷ) > PMG *ok/cok \|\| PMu ɨ́k-ʔa/ðɨ́k-ʔa \|\| PJu ak-á* \|\| PTpr **ek/jek \|\| Ari æk-ɒ ‘house’ \|\| Pu ʔək-a \|\| Ar ‹eg› ‘house, village’ derived: PT ək-at* ‘plaza’ (Rodrigues, 2007Rodrigues, A. D. (2007). As consoantes do Proto-Tupí. In A. S. A. C. Cabral & A. D. Rodrigues (Orgs.), Línguas e culturas Tupí (pp. 167–203). Curt Nimuendajú.: *ekʷat) > PMG *ok-at (only PTG *ok-at) \|\| Kt ak-ot ‘together’, Ari ækɒð-ɒ ‘plaza’ derived: PT **ək-ẽt/jək-ẽt ‘plaza’/‘door’ (Rodrigues, 2007Rodrigues, A. D. (2007). As consoantes do Proto-Tupí. In A. S. A. C. Cabral & A. D. Rodrigues (Orgs.), Línguas e culturas Tupí (pp. 167–203). Curt Nimuendajú.: ekʷen) > PMG ok-ẽt ‘door’ \|\| PMu **ɨk-ẽn/ðɨk-ẽn (only Ku ɨʃẽn, 3^rd t-ɨʃẽn ‘door’) \|\| PTpr ek-ẽt* (only Tu ek-ẽ́t ‘plaza’) \|\| Kt ak-ãn ‘village’
(42)	PT *tək ‘to pound, to grind’ (Rodrigues, 2007Rodrigues, A. D. (2007). As consoantes do Proto-Tupí. In A. S. A. C. Cabral & A. D. Rodrigues (Orgs.), Línguas e culturas Tupí (pp. 167–203). Curt Nimuendajú.: *čekʷ) > PMG *tok \|\| PMu *ʧɨk (only Mu ʧək ‘to break’) \|\| PJu *(pá-)dák-u \|\| Kt tak
(43)	PT *tək ‘larva’ (Rodrigues, 2007Rodrigues, A. D. (2007). As consoantes do Proto-Tupí. In A. S. A. C. Cabral & A. D. Rodrigues (Orgs.), Línguas e culturas Tupí (pp. 167–203). Curt Nimuendajú.: *čekʷ) > PMG *tok (only PTG *tsok) \|\| PJu *[a]dák-á \|\| PTpr *tek (only Tu tek) \|\| Kt [ken]tak \|\| Pa [ka]déːg ‘coconut larva’, (?) [mãːm]nég ‘caterpillar sp.’, (?) nég ‘boil’, Ar ‹mandeg› ‘caterpillar’, Gv mã-dék ‘lizard’
(44)	PT *ʔək ‘tuber’ (Rodrigues, 2007Rodrigues, A. D. (2007). As consoantes do Proto-Tupí. In A. S. A. C. Cabral & A. D. Rodrigues (Orgs.), Línguas e culturas Tupí (pp. 167–203). Curt Nimuendajú.: *ʔekʷ) > PMG *ʔok \|\| PMu *ʔɨk ‘belly’ > Mu ʔək, Ku ʔɨk \|\| PTpr ek (only Tu ek) derived: PT mãnĩ-ʔək ‘manioc’ (Rodrigues, 2007Rodrigues, A. D. (2007). As consoantes do Proto-Tupí. In A. S. A. C. Cabral & A. D. Rodrigues (Orgs.), Línguas e culturas Tupí (pp. 167–203). Curt Nimuendajú.: *mani + *ʔekʷ) > PMG *mãnĩʔok \|\| PMu *másɨk \|\| PJu *maniak-á

	PTG	Awetí	S.-Mawé	Yudjá	Mundurukú	Karitiana	Tuparí	S.-Paiter	Karo	Puruborá
(a)	*e	e	e	e	e	a	e	e	e	e
(b)	*o	o	o	a	ə	a	e	e	e	e
(c)	*o	o	o	a	ə	ɨ	o	a	a	a
(d)	*u	u	u	u	o	ɨ	o	o	o	o

(45)	PT *jaḳək ‘army ant’ > PMG *caʔok (only PTG *taʔok) \|\| PMu *ðaʔɨk (only Mu daʔək) \|\| PTpr *jakek
(46)	PT *kək ‘to hold’ > PMG *kok (only PTG *kok ‘to support’) \|\| PMu *kɨk (only Mu kək) \|\| Kt kak \|\| Kr kɨk

(48)	PT *etə- ‘sociative causative’ > PMG *ero- \|\| (?) PMu *[ð]ɨɟɨ- (only Mu dəʤə-) \|\| PTpr *ete- \|\| Kt at-ot ‘to take away’\|\| Kr ta-
(49)	PT *ŋgə ‘cultivated field’ > PMG *ŋgo \|\| PMu kɨ ‘women’s field’ \|\| PJu kú-á \|\| PTpr *ŋge \|\| Kt ŋga, Ar ŋgæ \|\| Pu ‹tá’›_KG \|\| Pa ŋa, Ar ‹ngá›, Gv/Zo ga
(50)	PT *ŋgəat ‘sun’ > PMG *ŋguat \|\| (?) PMu *koa̰t[o] ‘summer’ \|\| PJu *kuaɮ[adɨ́] \|\| PTpr *ŋgeat ‘sun, sky’ \|\| Pa ŋád, Ar/Gv/Zo/Sl gát
(51)	PT *jəɯ ‘blood’ > PMG *cuɨ \|\| PMu *ðoj \|\| PTpr *jeɨ \|\| Ari ɲæ̃e \|\| Kr ju
(52)	PT *-tə ‘pronominal formative (pl.)’ > PMG *-to \|\| PMu *-ɟɨ \|\|PTpr *-te \|\| Kt -ʧa /-ta/, Ari -tæ \|\| Kr -tə
(53)	PT *tə- ‘third person coreferential’ > PMG *to- (only Mw to-) \|\| (?) Xi d(u)- \|\| PTpr *te- \|\| Kt ta-, Ari tæ- \|\| Kr to

(54)	PT *apə ‘interrogative word’ > PTpr *apo ‘who; what (subject)
(55)	PT *papək ‘to be visible’ > PTpr *[e]papok (only Tu epapók ‘to return’)
(56)	PT *mbə (abs.)/pə (rel.) ‘hand, finger, vine-like’ > PTpr mbo \|\| Kt pɨ, Ari pʉ derived: PT *ɯtɯ-pə ‘vine’ > PTpr *ɨtɨmbo (only Ma ‹ötömbó›) \|\| Kt tepɨ, Ari tepʉ
(57)	PT *mə̃ - ‘causative’ > PTpr *mõ- \|\| Ari mʉ- (but Kt m-)
(58)	PT *pətɨc ‘heavy’ > PTpr *poti \|\| Kt pɨti
(59)	PT *pepʔə ‘wing, flight feather’ > PTpr *pepʔo \|\| Kt papɨ ‘arrow feather, fin’, Ari pæpʉ ‘wing’

(60)	PT ək/jək ‘house’ > PTpr *ek/*jek \|\| Ari æk-ɒ ‘house’ derived: PT *ək-at ‘plaza’ > Kt *ak-ot* ‘together’, Ari ækɒð-ɒ ‘plaza’ derived: PT *ək-ẽt/*jək-ẽt ‘plaza’/‘door’ > PTpr *ek-ẽt (only Tu ek-ẽ́t ‘plaza’) \|\| Kt akãn ‘village’
(61)	PT *əḳɯp/*jəḳɯp ‘arrow’ > PTpr *ekɨp/*jekɨp
(62)	PT *jaḳək ‘army ant’ > PTpr *jakek
(63)	PT *jəβa ‘forehead’ > PTpr *jeβa
(64)	PT *jəp ‘leaf’ > PTpr *jep \|\| Kt sap, Ari -sæβ-ɒ
(65)	PT *jəɯ ‘blood’ > PTpr *jeɨ \|\| Ari ɲæ̃e
(66)	PT *kək ‘to hold’ > Kt kak
(67)	PT *ðəp ‘bitter’ > PTpr *tep \|\| Kt taːp
(68)	PT *ŋgə ‘cultivated field’ > PTpr *ŋge \|\| Kt ŋga, Ar ŋgæ
(69)	PT *ŋgəat ‘sun’ > PTpr *ŋgeat ‘sun, sky’
(70)	PT *paβək ‘to be visible’ > PTpr *[e]paβok (only Tu epapók ‘to return’)
(71)	PT *tək ‘to pound, to grind’ > Kt tak
(72)	PT *tək ‘larva’ > PTpr *tek (only Tu tek) \|\| Kt [ken]tak
(73)	PT *ʔək ‘tuber’ > PTpr *ek (only Tu ek)

(74)	PT *etə- ‘sociative causative’ (R *erʲe-/*erʲo-) > Kr ta-
(75)	PT *ək/*jək ‘house’ (R *ekʷ) > Pu ʔək-a \|\| Ar ‹eg› ‘house, village’
(76)	PT *jəp ‘leaf’ (R *epʷ) > Kr naʔ-jop \|\| Pu təp ‘leaf, hair’ \|\| Ar/Gv tsep, Zo sep, Sl básep
(77)	PT kə ‘to go, to walk’ (R eko) > Kr kə \|\| Pa kaː, Gv kaà, Zo ka
(78)	PT *kək ‘to hold’ (would-be reconstruction in Rodrigues’ terms: *kekʷ) > Kr *kɨk*
(79)	PT *mbə (absolute)/pə (relational) ‘hand, finger, vine-like’ (R *po/^mpo) > Kr pɨ́ʔ ‘cylindrical and small’ \|\| Pu bə ‘long, vine-shaped’ \|\| Pa/Ar/Gv/Zo/Sl pá-be**
(80)	PT *mbəc ‘snake’ (R *^mpoj) > (?) Kr mə̃j[gə̃ra] \|\| Pu mə̃ɲ[ũp] \|\| Pa máj[kir], maj[kóːraː] (spp.), Gv/Zo baj
(81)	PT *mə̃- ‘causative’ (R *mõ-) > PMG *mõ- \|\| PMu *ma- \|\| PJu *mã- \|\| PTpr *mõ- \|\| Kt m- (irregular vowel loss), Ari mʉ̃- \|\| Kr ma- \|\| Gv mã-
(82)	PT *ŋgə ‘cultivated field’ (R *^ŋko/*^ŋke) > Pu ‹tá’›_KG \|\| Pa ŋa, Ar ‹ngá›, Gv/Zo ga
(83)	PT *ŋgəat ‘sun’ (R *ŋʷatˀ) > Pa ŋád, Ar/Gv/Zo/Sl gát
(84)	PT *pətɨc ‘heavy’ (R *pocɨj) > Kr piʔti \|\| Pa pati-ga, Ar ‹patií ~ pati-í› ‘heavy, thick’, Gv patíì
(85)	PT tə ‘to go (singular)’ (R co) > Kr ti
(86)	PT tə- ‘third person coreferential’ > Kr to-*
(87)	PT *tək ‘larva’ (R *čekʷ) > Pa [ka]déːg ‘coconut larva’, (?) [mãːm]nég ‘caterpillar sp.’, (?) nég ‘boil’, Ar ‹mandeg› ‘caterpillar’, Gv mã-dék ‘lizard’
(88)	PT *jəɯ ‘blood’ > Kr ju

(89)	a.	l-akʷ-a	→	l-ak-ʃe		b.	l-akʷ-a	→	l-ak-xʷ-a
		IV-see-INF		IV-see-PRS			IV-see-INF		IV-see-CAUS-INF

(90)	PT *jaɯ ‘howler monkey’ > PTpr *jaɨ \|\| Kr jaɨ \|\| (?) Pu aʒɨ
(91)	PT *jəɯ ‘blood’ > PTpr *jeɨ \|\| Ari ɲæ̃e \|\| Kr ju
(92)	PT jɯ ‘liquid’ > Kt se, Ari -se* \|\| Kr i-cɨ ‘water’¹⁶ 16 If Kr ci ‘liquid’ and Pu ʃi ‘chicha; blood, menstruation’ turn out to be related, they would constitute an exception. However, it appears possible to derive them from PT *jɨ ‘urine’ (> ‘liquid’).
(93)	PT *kɯnĩŋã(t) ‘scorpion’ > PTpr *kɨ̃nĩŋã \|\| Kt kennõn, Ari kednɒ̃ð-ɒ
(94)	PT *kʲɯt ‘green’ > PTpr ɨt ‘unripe, young’ \|\| Kt ket* ‘green, blue’, Ari keð- ‘blue’
(95)	PT *kʲɯt ‘green’ > PTpr ɨt ‘unripe, young’ \|\| Kt ket* ‘green, blue’, Ari *keð-* ‘blue’ derived: PT *ḳɯc-pɨ ‘earth’ > Kt eje-pi
(96)	PT *ḳɯp ‘tree; stick-like’ > PTpr *kɨp \|\| Kt ʔep, Ari (ʔ)eβ-ɒ ‘tree; bone’ \|\| Kr ma-ʔɨp \|\| Pu ʔɨp
(97)	PT *ḳɯt ‘son’ > PTpr *kɨt ‘sperm; child; youngster’ \|\| Kt ʔet ‘son; paternal aunt (female ego)’, Ari (ʔ)eð-ɒ ‘son; daughter (female ego)’
(98)	PT *ŋgɯ ‘liquid’ > PTpr *ŋgɨ ‘liquid, saliva’ \|\| Kt ŋge ‘blood’
(99)	PT *ŋgɯp ‘louse’ > PTpr *ŋgɨp \|\| Kt ŋgep, Ari ŋgeβ-ɒ \|\| Kr nə̃p \|\| Pu tɨp
(100)	PT *ŋgɯʔɯt ‘salt’ > PTpr *ŋgɨʔɨt \|\| Pu tɨr[a]
(101)	PT *pɯk ‘to burn’ > PTpr *pɨk- \|\| Kr pək
(102)	PT *tɯt ‘to cook’ > PTpr *tɨt \|\| Kt [o]tet \|\| Kr tɨt
(103)	PT *ɯ̃p ‘dirty, black’ > PTpr *ɨ̃p \|\| Kt ẽːm, Ari ẽm-
(104)	PT *ɯtɯɯ ‘deer’ > PTpr *ɨtɨː \|\| (?) Kt/Ari nde \|\| Kr itɨ \|\| Pu ɨdɨ
(105)	PT *ɯtɯ-pə ‘vine’ > PTpr *ɨtɨmbo (only Ma ‹ötömbó›) \|\| Kt tepɨ, Ari tepʉ
(106)	PT **wãkɯ̃jã* ‘agouti’ > PTpr *wãkɨ̃ɲã \|\| Kr wakə̃ja \|\| Pu wakɨ̃ɲã
(107)	PT wɯ ‘to blow’ > PTpr wɨ \|\| Kt heː
(108)	PT ʔɯ ‘water’ > PTpr ʔɨ(ː) \|\| Kt/Ari e ‘rain’, e-se ‘water, river’ \|\| Kr i-cɨ derived: PT *ʔɯ-ʔa ‘gourd’ > PTpr *ʔɨʔa

(111)	PT *apɨ ‘ear’ > PTpr *api-jep, *api- \|\| Kt opi ‘earring’, Ari ɒpi ‘earring’, ɒpikʉrʉmæ̃ ʔæβ-ɒ ‘earhole’
(112)	PT *aʔɨ ‘sloth’ > PTpr *aʔi-ato (only Sk aj-atso) \|\| Kt oʔi, Ari ɒ(ʔ)i \|\| Kr aʔi \|\| Pu aʔi
(113)	PT *(j)ãpɨ ‘nose’ > PTpr *ɲãpi(-ʔa) \|\| Kt ɲʤopi-ʔop, Ari ɲɒ̃pi ‘nose’, ɲɒ̃pi-mæ̃ ʔæβ-ɒ ‘nostril’, ɲɒ̃pi-mbʉ ‘nasal adornment’
(114)	PT *(j)atɨ ‘pain’ (in some languages also ‘sour’) > PTpr *jati \|\| Kt oti
(115)	PT jɨ ‘urine’ > PTpr ji-ŋgɨ (only Wy ndi-gʉ) \|\| Kt/Ari si \|\| Kr ci ‘liquid’ \|\| Pu ‹žídoka›_KG ‘urine’, ʃi ‘chicha; blood, menstruation’¹⁹ 19 Semantically, Kr ci ‘liquid’ and Pu ʃi ‘chicha; blood, menstruation’ are closer to PT jɯ ‘liquid’, but the vowel ɯ would be expected to yield Karo and Puruborá ɨ in this position.
(116)	PT *jɨɨt ‘flower’ > PTpr *jiːt(-ʔa) \|\| Kt ew-o-siːt, Ari *eβ-ɒ-siːð-ɒ*
(117)	PT *mbɨ/pɨ ‘foot’ > PTpr mbi(-to) \|\| Kt/Ari pi \|\| Kr pi \|\| Pu *ʃi-be*
(118)	PT *mbɨʔa/*pɨʔa ‘liver’ > PTpr *piʔa \|\| Kr pía \|\| Pu bia
(119)	PT *mɨ̃cõ ‘curassow’ > PTpr *mĩcõ \|\| Kt mbisɨ̃, Ari mĩsʉ
(120)	PT *pətɨc ‘heavy’ > PTpr **poti* \|\| Kt pɨti \|\| Kr piʔti
(121)	PT pɨ ‘inner part’ > PTpr -pi \|\| Kt -pi, as in *ej^e-pi* ‘earth’
(122)	PT *pɨcja ‘heel’ > Kt piːso, Ari piɒsɒ \|\| Pu biʃa[ka]
(123)	PT *pɨcjo ‘breath’ > PTpr *pijo \|\| Kt [ɲõ]pisɨ
(124)	PT tɨ ‘mother’ > PTpr ti \|\| Kt/Ari ti
(125)	PT wɨ ‘ax’ > PTpr wi \|\| Kt hi ‘knife (dated)’, Ari hi \|\| Pu wi-a
(126)	PT *wɨca ‘stone’ > Kt i(t)so ‘whetstone’, Ari isɒ(-ɒ) \|\| Kr ijá
(127)	PT *wɨp ‘cooked’ > Kt hip ‘to roast’, (?) Ari mbʉð-ɒ-hip-ɒp-ɒ ‘frying pan’ \|\| Kr wip

(128)	PT *ewɨt ‘bee, honey’ > PTpr *ewit \|\| Kt eːt, Ari eð-ɒ ‘bee’, Ari eð-ɒ-se ‘honey’ \|\| (?) Kr [p]ewít \|\| Pu iwit
(129)	PT **ewɨt* ‘bee, honey’ > PTpr *ewit \|\| Kt *eːt, Ari eð-ɒ* ‘bee’, Ari eð-ɒ-se ‘honey’ \|\| (?) Kr [p]ewít \|\| Pu *iwit*
(130)	PT *kɯpɨ(-ḳɯt ~ -ʔɯt) ‘younger sister (female ego)’ > PTpr *kɨpi \|\| Kt *kɨpeːt*

(131)	PT *tɨk ‘resin’, *jepɨ ‘payment’, *kɯpɨ(-ḳɯt ~ -ʔɯt) ‘younger sister (female ego)’, *(ʔ)ɨke(-ḳɯt ~ -ʔɯt) ‘elder sibling’, *ɯβɨcjo ‘wind’ > PTpr *tik (only Tu sik), *jepi (only Tu epsi), *kɨpi, *ike ‘elder brother (male ego)’, *ɨβijo (only Tu ʉpsió)
(132)	PT *pɨtɨk ‘to take, to grab’, *watɨ ‘moon’ > Kt *pitik* ‘to take out, to empty’, oti (Ari ɒti)
(133)	PT *wetɨk ‘sweet potato’ > Pu ‹witiká’›_KG, ‹widiká›_ES

(1)	PT *apə ‘interrogative word’
	PMG *apo > Mw apo ‘yes/no question particle’ (Ribeiro, 2010Ribeiro, M. J. P. (2010). Dicionário Sateré-Mawé/português [MA thesis, Universidade Federal de Rondônia, campus de Guajará-Mirim]., p. 49; reconstruction ours) \|\| PMu *abɨ ‘who’ > Mu ábə ~ abə́, Ku abɨ (Picanço, 2005Picanço, G. L. (2005). Mundurukú: Phonetics, phonology, synchrony, diachrony [Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia]., p. 209) \|\| (?) PJu *a pá (!) ‘what’ > Yu apá, Xi apa (Fargetti & Rodrigues, 2008Fargetti, C. M., & Rodrigues, C. L. R. (2008). Consoantes do Xipaya e do Juruna: Uma comparação em busca do proto-sistema. Alfa, 52(2), 535–563., p. 561; reconstruction ours) \|\| PTpr *apo ‘who; what (subject)’ > Wy apo-kʷaːt, Tu apó ‘who’, Sk apo (Guaratira dialect) (Nogueira, 2019Nogueira, A. F. S. (2019). Predicação na língua Wayoro (Tupi): Propriedades de finitude [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de São Paulo]., p. 132; Alves, 2004Alves, P. M. (2004). O léxico do Tuparí: Proposta de um dicionário bilíngue [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita]., p. 150; Galucio, 2001Galucio, A. V. (2001). The morphosyntax of Mekens (Tupi) [Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago]., p. 167)
(2)	PT *apɨ ‘ear’
	PMG *apɨ[ta] ‘earhole’ > Aw ʔapɨta-kwat ‘earhole’, PTG *apɨtsa ‘earhole’, *[j]apɨtsa[ka] ‘to think’ (Sabino, 2016Sabino, W. K. (2016). Awetýza tiʔíngatú: Construindo uma gramática da língua Awetý, com contribuições para o conhecimento do seu desenvolvimento histórico [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 97; Mello, 2000Mello, A. A. S. (2000). Estudo histórico da família lingüística Tupi–Guarani: Aspectos fonológicos e lexicais [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina]., p. 165; reconstruction ours) \|\| PTpr *api-jep, *api- > Ma api-cep, Wy api-tep, Tu apsí[rip]-ʔa (cf. apsí-kʉp ‘earring’, apsí-ʔe ‘to listen’), Sk/Ak api-tep (Braga, 1992Braga, A. O. (1992). A fonologia segmental e aspectos morfofonológicos da língua Makurap (Tupí) [MA thesis, Universidade Estadual de Campinas]., p. 31; Alves, 2004Alves, P. M. (2004). O léxico do Tuparí: Proposta de um dicionário bilíngue [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita]., pp. 150, 151; Galucio et al., 2015Galucio, A. V., Meira, S., Birchall, J., Moore, D., Gabas Jr., N., Drude, S., . . . Rodrigues, C. R. (2015). Genealogical relations and lexical distances within the Tupí linguistic family: A lexicostatistical and phylogenetic approach. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 229–274. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200004 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 254; reconstruction ours) \|\| Kt opi ‘earring’, Ari ɒpi ‘earring’ (Storto, 1999Storto, L. (1999). Aspects of a Karitiana grammar [Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology]., p. 14; Nimuendajú, 1932Nimuendajú, C. (1932). Wortlisten aus Amazonien. Journal de la Société des américanistes, 24(1), 93–119., p. 111, ‹ḁpí›_N); Ari ɒpi-kʉrʉ-mæ̃ ʔæβ-ɒ ‘earhole’ (Rondon & Faria, 1948Rondon, C. M. S., & Faria, J. B. (1948). Glossário Geral das tribos silvícolas de Mato-Grosso e outras da Amazônia e do Norte do Brasil (Tom. I). Imprenta Nacional., p. 194; Nimuendajú, 1932Nimuendajú, C. (1932). Wortlisten aus Amazonien. Journal de la Société des américanistes, 24(1), 93–119., p. 109, ‹opicúru maaú›_B, ‹ḁpikuru-maábḁ̆›_N)
(3)	PT *apɨk ‘to sit’
	PMG *apɨk > Mw/Aw apɨk, PTG *apɨk (Corrêa da Silva, 2010Corrêa da Silva, B. C. (2010). Mawé/Awetí/Tupí–Guaraní: Relações lingüísticas e implicações históricas [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 410) \|\| PMu **(ʔ)ábik > Mu a̰bík, Ku ábik* (Picanço, 2019Picanço, G. L. (2019). A fonologia diacrônica do Proto-Mundurukú (Tupí). Appris., p. 142) \|\| PJu *abɨ́k-ú > Yu abɨ́kú, Xi bɨku (!) (Fargetti & Rodrigues, 2008Fargetti, C. M., & Rodrigues, C. L. R. (2008). Consoantes do Xipaya e do Juruna: Uma comparação em busca do proto-sistema. Alfa, 52(2), 535–563., p. 563; reconstruction ours) \|\| (?) PTpr *[e]pik- > Tu epsik- (Alves, 2004Alves, P. M. (2004). O léxico do Tuparí: Proposta de um dicionário bilíngue [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita]., p. 168; reconstruction ours) \|\| (?) Kt *mbik ~ a-mbik* (!) (Storto, 1999Storto, L. (1999). Aspects of a Karitiana grammar [Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology]., p. 41; Landin, 2005Landin, D. (2005). Dicionário e léxico Karitiana / português (2 ed.). Sociedade Internacional de Lingüística., p. 53) \|\| (?) Pu [t]api-a (Galucio, 2005Galucio, A. V. (2005). Puruborá: Notas etnográficas e lingüísticas recentes. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 1(2), 159–192., p. 186)
(4)	PT *aʔɨ ‘sloth’
	PMG *aʔɨ > PTG *aʔɨ (Corrêa da Silva, 2010Corrêa da Silva, B. C. (2010). Mawé/Awetí/Tupí–Guaraní: Relações lingüísticas e implicações históricas [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 406) \|\| PMu **a̰j ~ a̰i > Mu a̰j, Ku a̰j (Picanço, 2019Picanço, G. L. (2019). A fonologia diacrônica do Proto-Mundurukú (Tupí). Appris., p. 136) \|\| PTpr aʔi-ato* > Sk aj-atso (Galucio et al., 2015Galucio, A. V., Meira, S., Birchall, J., Moore, D., Gabas Jr., N., Drude, S., . . . Rodrigues, C. R. (2015). Genealogical relations and lexical distances within the Tupí linguistic family: A lexicostatistical and phylogenetic approach. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 229–274. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200004 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 271; reconstruction ours) \|\| Kt oʔi, Ari ɒ(ʔ)i (Landin, 2005Landin, D. (2005). Dicionário e léxico Karitiana / português (2 ed.). Sociedade Internacional de Lingüística., p. 20; Nimuendajú, 1932Nimuendajú, C. (1932). Wortlisten aus Amazonien. Journal de la Société des américanistes, 24(1), 93–119., p. 112, ‹ḁí›_N) \|\| Kr aʔi (Gabas Jr., 1999Gabas Jr., N. (1999). A Grammar of Karo, Tupi (Brazil) [Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara]., p. 19) \|\| Pu aʔi (Galucio, 2005Galucio, A. V. (2005). Puruborá: Notas etnográficas e lingüísticas recentes. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 1(2), 159–192., p. 172)
(5)	PT *ðəp ‘bitter’
	PMG *ðop > Mw nop, Aw lop, PTG *rop (Nikulin & Carvalho, 2019Nikulin, A., & Carvalho, F. O. (2019). Estudos diacrônicos de línguas indígenas brasileiras: Um panorama. Macabéa: Revista Eletrônica do Netlli, 8(2), 255–305., p. 292, endnote 11) \|\| PMu *ʧɨp > Mu ʧə́p, Ku ʧɨp (Picanço, 2019Picanço, G. L. (2019). A fonologia diacrônica do Proto-Mundurukú (Tupí). Appris., p. 138) \|\| PTpr *tep > Ma ‹tep›, Tu tép-ʔa ‘bitter’, tép-ʔʉt ‘sour’ (Sekelj, 1948Sekelj, T. (1948). Wordlist Aruá-Makurap-Zaboti-Arikapú-Tupari. Unpublished manuscript. http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1 http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1... ; Alves, 2004Alves, P. M. (2004). O léxico do Tuparí: Proposta de um dicionário bilíngue [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita]., p. 258; reconstruction ours) \|\| Kt taːp (Landin, 2005Landin, D. (2005). Dicionário e léxico Karitiana / português (2 ed.). Sociedade Internacional de Lingüística., p. 29) \|\| (?) Pa [pe]ʧáp, Ar ‹petab›, Gv [pe]tɨ́ɨ̀p (Sekelj, 1948Sekelj, T. (1948). Wordlist Aruá-Makurap-Zaboti-Arikapú-Tupari. Unpublished manuscript. http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1 http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1... ; Gavião, 2019Gavião, I. K. S. (2019). Nomes, verbos, adjetivos, posposições e predicações na lingua dos Ikólóéhj (Gavião, fam. Mondé, tronco Tupí) [MA thesis, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 125; anonymous reviewer, personal communication, 2022)
(6)	PT *ejɯ ‘marico bag’
	PTpr *ejɨ > Ma écɨ, Wy endʉ, Tu éʉ, Sk etɨ, Ak etɨ́ (Nikulin & Andrade, 2020Nikulin, A., & Andrade, R. (2020). The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 18(4), 284–319., p. 295) \|\| Ar ‹itji› (Sekelj, 1948Sekelj, T. (1948). Wordlist Aruá-Makurap-Zaboti-Arikapú-Tupari. Unpublished manuscript. http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1 http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1... ) ²² 22 An anonymous reviewer suggests that this form could be a Tuparian loan. Note, however, that the correspondences are regular and non-trivial, a fact which is consistent with its being an inherited form.
(7)	PT *etə- ‘sociative causative’
	PMG *ero- (!) > Mw ero-, ²³ 23 With the verb to ‘to go.sg’, this prefix unexpectedly takes the form ere- (Franceschini, 1999, p. 234). In addition, its final vowel is raised to u before a w (wat ‘to go.pl’ → eru-wat) and undergoes regressive translaryngeal harmony, thus behaving identically to the vowel of the prefix to- ‘3crf’. Aw (e)ʐo-, PTG *ero- (Franceschini, 1999Franceschini, D. (1999). La langue sateré-mawé : Description et analyse morphosyntaxique [Ph.D. dissertation, Université Paris VII–Denis Diderot]., pp. 231–237; Sabino, 2016Sabino, W. K. (2016). Awetýza tiʔíngatú: Construindo uma gramática da língua Awetý, com contribuições para o conhecimento do seu desenvolvimento histórico [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 67; Corrêa da Silva, 2010Corrêa da Silva, B. C. (2010). Mawé/Awetí/Tupí–Guaraní: Relações lingüísticas e implicações históricas [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 412; reconstruction ours) \|\| (?) PMu *[ð]ɨɟɨ- (!) > Mu dəʤə- (Gomes, 2006Gomes, D. M. (2006). Estudo morfológico e sintático da língua Mundurukú (Tupí) [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 82) \|\| PTpr *ete- > Ma ete-, Wy ete-, Tu eté- (3 s-ite-), Sk etse- (Braga, 2005Braga, A. O. (2005). Aspects morphosyntaxiques de la langue Makurap/Tupi [Ph.D. dissertation, Université de Toulouse–Le Mirail]., p. 186; Nogueira, 2019Nogueira, A. F. S. (2019). Predicação na língua Wayoro (Tupi): Propriedades de finitude [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de São Paulo]., p. 51ff.; Alves, 2004Alves, P. M. (2004). O léxico do Tuparí: Proposta de um dicionário bilíngue [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita]., p. 57; Singerman, 2018Singerman, A. R. (2018). The morphosyntax of Tuparí, a Tupían language of the Brazilian Amazon [Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago]., pp. 125–130; Galucio, 2001Galucio, A. V. (2001). The morphosyntax of Mekens (Tupi) [Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago]., p. 98; reconstruction ours) \|\| Kt atot ‘to take away’ (Storto, 1999Storto, L. (1999). Aspects of a Karitiana grammar [Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology]., p. 106) \|\| Kr ta- (!) (Gabas Jr., 1999Gabas Jr., N. (1999). A Grammar of Karo, Tupi (Brazil) [Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara]., pp. 65–67)
(8)	PT *ewɨt ‘bee, honey’
	PMG *ewɨt > Mw ewɨt, Aw ekɨt, PTG *eit (Corrêa da Silva, 2010Corrêa da Silva, B. C. (2010). Mawé/Awetí/Tupí–Guaraní: Relações lingüísticas e implicações históricas [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 404; reconstruction ours) \|\| PMu *eit > Mu eit, Ku eít-i (Picanço, 2019Picanço, G. L. (2019). A fonologia diacrônica do Proto-Mundurukú (Tupí). Appris., p. 140) \|\| PJu *awɨɮá > Yu awɨɮá ‘honey’, Xi wɨa (!) (Fargetti & Rodrigues, 2008Fargetti, C. M., & Rodrigues, C. L. R. (2008). Consoantes do Xipaya e do Juruna: Uma comparação em busca do proto-sistema. Alfa, 52(2), 535–563., p. 560; reconstruction ours) \|\| PTpr *ewit > Wy ẽŋgʷit, Tu ewit, Sk ekʷit, Ak ekʷít (Nikulin & Andrade, 2020Nikulin, A., & Andrade, R. (2020). The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 18(4), 284–319., p. 300) \|\| Kt eːt, Ari eð-ɒ ‘bee’ (Storto, 1999Storto, L. (1999). Aspects of a Karitiana grammar [Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology]., p. 62; Nimuendajú, 1932Nimuendajú, C. (1932). Wortlisten aus Amazonien. Journal de la Société des américanistes, 24(1), 93–119., p. 111, ‹ë́rḁ̆-së›_N), Ari eðɒse ‘honey’ (Storto, 1999Storto, L. (1999). Aspects of a Karitiana grammar [Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology]., p. 62; Rondon & Faria, 1948Rondon, C. M. S., & Faria, J. B. (1948). Glossário Geral das tribos silvícolas de Mato-Grosso e outras da Amazônia e do Norte do Brasil (Tom. I). Imprenta Nacional., p. 195; Nimuendajú, 1932Nimuendajú, C. (1932). Wortlisten aus Amazonien. Journal de la Société des américanistes, 24(1), 93–119., p. 111, ‹êrocê›_B, ‹ë́rḁ̆-së›_N) \|\| (?) Kr [p]ewít (Gabas Jr., 1999Gabas Jr., N. (1999). A Grammar of Karo, Tupi (Brazil) [Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara]., p. 16) \|\| Pu iwit (Rodrigues, 2005Rodrigues, A. D. (2005). As vogais orais do Proto-Tupí. In A. D. Rodrigues & A. S. A. C. Cabral (Orgs.), Novos estudos sobre línguas indígenas (pp. 35–46). Editora UnB., p. 41) ²⁴ 24 >We were unable to locate this form in any primary source on Puruborá. However, it corresponds well to the data of other Tupian languages and thus we provisionally leave it here, given that Rodrigues (2005) may have had access to unpublished Puruborá data. \|\| Ar ‹ivirej ~ ividei› ‘bee, honey’, Gv/Zo íit ‘bee’, Sl íβit-áp ‘bee’ (Sekelj, 1948Sekelj, T. (1948). Wordlist Aruá-Makurap-Zaboti-Arikapú-Tupari. Unpublished manuscript. http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1 http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1... ; Galucio et al., 2015Galucio, A. V., Meira, S., Birchall, J., Moore, D., Gabas Jr., N., Drude, S., . . . Rodrigues, C. R. (2015). Genealogical relations and lexical distances within the Tupí linguistic family: A lexicostatistical and phylogenetic approach. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 229–274. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200004 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 263)
(9)	PT ək (absolute)/jək (relational) ‘house’
	PMG **ok/cok > Mw sok ‘nest’, Aw ok, PTG ok/-rok (Meira & Drude, 2015Meira, S., & Drude, S. (2015). A summary reconstruction of proto-maweti–guarani segmental phonology. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 275–296. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200005 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 293) \|\| PMu ɨ́k-ʔa/ðɨ́k-ʔa > Mu ək-ʔá/dək-ʔá (Picanço, 2005Picanço, G. L. (2005). Mundurukú: Phonetics, phonology, synchrony, diachrony [Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia]., pp. 60, 118; reconstruction ours) \|\| PJu ak-á* > Yu aká, Xi aka (Fargetti & Rodrigues, 2008Fargetti, C. M., & Rodrigues, C. L. R. (2008). Consoantes do Xipaya e do Juruna: Uma comparação em busca do proto-sistema. Alfa, 52(2), 535–563., p. 560; reconstruction ours) \|\| PTpr **ek/jek > Ma ek/cek, Tu ek/hek, Wy ek/ndek, Sk ek/ʧek, Ak ek/tek (Nikulin & Andrade, 2020Nikulin, A., & Andrade, R. (2020). The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 18(4), 284–319., pp. 295–296) \|\| Ari æk-ɒ (Rondon & Faria, 1948Rondon, C. M. S., & Faria, J. B. (1948). Glossário Geral das tribos silvícolas de Mato-Grosso e outras da Amazônia e do Norte do Brasil (Tom. I). Imprenta Nacional., p. 195; Nimuendajú, 1932Nimuendajú, C. (1932). Wortlisten aus Amazonien. Journal de la Société des américanistes, 24(1), 93–119., p. 111, ‹ácu›_B, ‹ákḁ›_N) ²⁵ 25 Rodrigues (2005, p. 40) also includes Kt s-ak ‘cave’ and Kr ek ‘inside’ into this cognate set. We were unable to locate such forms in the available sources on these languages. \|\| Pu ʔək-a (Galucio, 2005Galucio, A. V. (2005). Puruborá: Notas etnográficas e lingüísticas recentes. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 1(2), 159–192., p. 172; Monserrat, 2005Monserrat, R. M. F. (2005). Notícia sobre a língua Puruborá. In A. D. Rodrigues & A. S. A. C. Cabral (Eds.), Novos estudos sobre línguas indígenas (pp. 9–22). Editora UnB., p. 19) \|\| Ar ‹eg› ‘house, village’ (Sekelj, 1948**Sekelj, T. (1948). Wordlist Aruá-Makurap-Zaboti-Arikapú-Tupari. Unpublished manuscript. http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1 http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1... ) ²⁶ 26 An anonymous reviewer suggests that this form could be a Makurap loan.
	derived: PT *ək-at
	PMG *ok-at > PTG *ok-at (Mello, 2000Mello, A. A. S. (2000). Estudo histórico da família lingüística Tupi–Guarani: Aspectos fonológicos e lexicais [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina]., p. 184; PMG reconstruction ours) \|\| Kt ak-ot ‘together’, Ari ækɒð-ɒ ‘plaza’ (Landin, 2005Landin, D. (2005). Dicionário e léxico Karitiana / português (2 ed.). Sociedade Internacional de Lingüística., p. 6; Nimuendajú, 1932Nimuendajú, C. (1932). Wortlisten aus Amazonien. Journal de la Société des américanistes, 24(1), 93–119., p. 111, ‹uiakádǒ›_N)
	derived: PT *ək-ẽt (absolute)/*jək-ẽt (relational) ‘plaza’/‘door’ (cf. *ẽt ‘mouth’)
	PMG *ok-ẽt ‘door’ > Mw oken-ɨpɨ, Aw ot-ẽt, PTG *ok-ẽt (Meira & Drude, 2015Meira, S., & Drude, S. (2015). A summary reconstruction of proto-maweti–guarani segmental phonology. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 275–296. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200005 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 292) \|\| PMu **ɨk-ẽn/ðɨk-ẽn > Ku ɨʃẽn, 3^rd t-ɨʃẽn ‘door’ (Snethlage, 1932Snethlage, E. (1932). Chipaya- und Curuaya-Wörter. Anthropos, 27, 65–93., p. 71, as ‹teschan›_S or ‹ischene›_L; reconstruction ours) \|\| PTpr ek-ẽt* > Tu ek-ẽ́t ‘plaza’ (Alves, 2004Alves, P. M. (2004). O léxico do Tuparí: Proposta de um dicionário bilíngue [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita]., p. 164; reconstruction ours) \|\| Kt ak-ãn ‘village’ (Storto, 1999Storto, L. (1999). Aspects of a Karitiana grammar [Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology]., p. 112)
(10)	*əḳɯp (absolute)/*jəḳɯp (relational) ‘arrow’
	PMG **uʔɨp/cuʔɨp** > Aw uʔwɨp, PTG **uʔɨp/-ruʔɨp (Sabino, 2016Sabino, W. K. (2016). Awetýza tiʔíngatú: Construindo uma gramática da língua Awetý, com contribuições para o conhecimento do seu desenvolvimento histórico [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 226; Mello, 2000Mello, A. A. S. (2000). Estudo histórico da família lingüística Tupi–Guarani: Aspectos fonológicos e lexicais [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina]., p. 203; reconstruction ours) \|\| PMu op/ðop** > Mu op/dop, Ku ɔ>p/lɔp (Picanço, 2019Picanço, G. L. (2019). A fonologia diacrônica do Proto-Mundurukú (Tupí). Appris., p. 139) \|\| PTpr **ekɨp/jekɨp > Ma ekɨp/ʧekɨp, Tu ekʉ́p (Nikulin & Andrade, 2020Nikulin, A., & Andrade, R. (2020). The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 18(4), 284–319., pp. 296–297) \|\| (?) Pa jáb, Ar ‹ndjap›, Gv ʤâp/áʤáp ~ íʤáp, ²⁷ 27 An anonymous reviewer notes that the basic Gavião (2019) form for ‘arrow’ is idzáp or ijáp, and that adzáp ~ ajáp derives from a process of reanalysis of the initial i as an affix and its change to a. Zo ʤap (Bontkes, 1978Bontkes, W. (1978). Dicionário preliminar: Suruí–português, português–suruí. Summer Institute of Linguistics., p. 19; Sekelj, 1948Sekelj, T. (1948). Wordlist Aruá-Makurap-Zaboti-Arikapú-Tupari. Unpublished manuscript. http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1 http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1... ; Moore, 1984Moore, D. (1984). Syntax of the language of the Gavião Indians of Rondônia, Brazil [Ph.D. dissertation, City University of New York]., p. 150; Zoró & Camargos, 2019**Zoró, T. K., & Camargos, Q. F. (2019). Estruturas interrogativas polares e informacionais na língua Pangyjẽ̃̃̃ej (Zoró, família Mondé, tronco Tupí). Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica, 11(2), 111–133. https://doi.org/10.26512/rbla.v11i02.28508 https://doi.org/10.26512/rbla.v11i02.285... , p. 122)
(11)	PT *(ʔ)ɨke(-ḳɯt ~ -ʔɯt) ‘elder sibling’
	PMG *(ʔ)ɨkeʔɨt ‘elder brother (male ego)’ > Mw ʔɨkeʔet (!), Aw ʔɨtiʔɨt (!), PTG ʔɨkeʔɨt (Meira & Drude, 2015Meira, S., & Drude, S. (2015). A summary reconstruction of proto-maweti–guarani segmental phonology. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 275–296. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200005 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 294) \|\| PTpr ike ‘elder brother (male ego)’ > Wy ike, Tu -ike ~ -cke, Sk/Ak ike (Nogueira et al., 2019Nogueira, A. F. S., Galucio, A. V., Soares-Pinto, N., & Singerman, A. R. (2019). Termos de parentesco nas línguas Tuparí (família Tupí). Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 14(1), 33–64. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981.81222019000100004 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981.81222019000... , p. 42)
(12)	PT *jaḳək ‘army ant’
	PMG *caʔok > PTG *taʔok ²⁸ 28 Reconstruction based on Old Tupí taʔók-a (Lemos Barbosa, 1951, p. 148), Ka’apor toʔok (Kakumasu & Kakumasu, 2007 [1988], p. 30). (reconstruction ours) \|\| PMu *ðaʔɨk > Mu daʔək (Alarcon et al., 2016Alarcon, D. F., Millikan, B., & Torres, M. (2016). Apresentação. In D. F. Alarcon, B. Millikan & M. Torres (Orgs.), Ocekadi: Hidrelétricas, conflitos socioambientais e resistência na Bacia do Tapajós (pp. xv–xvii). Programa de Antropologia e Arqueologia da Universidade Federal do Oeste do Pará., p. xvi; reconstruction ours) \|\| PTpr *jakek > (?) Wy akek (!), Tu hakék[e], Sk takek (Nikulin & Andrade, 2020Nikulin, A., & Andrade, R. (2020). The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 18(4), 284–319., p. 294)
(13)	PT *(j)ãpɨ ‘nose’
	PMG *ʔãpɨ > mw ʔãpɨ ²⁹ 29 Corrêa da Silva (2010, p. 402) lists Aw ʔãpɨ̃c, PTG apɨ̃c as cognates, but their palatal coda does not match the absence of a coda in Sateré-Mawé. (Ribeiro, 2010Ribeiro, M. J. P. (2010). Dicionário Sateré-Mawé/português [MA thesis, Universidade Federal de Rondônia, campus de Guajará-Mirim]., p. 48; reconstruction ours) \|\| (?) PMu abi > Mu abi ‘tip’ (Gomes, 2006Gomes, D. M. (2006). Estudo morfológico e sintático da língua Mundurukú (Tupí) [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 225; reconstruction ours) \|\| (?) Xi [j]amɨ̃-kua (Galucio et al., 2015Galucio, A. V., Meira, S., Birchall, J., Moore, D., Gabas Jr., N., Drude, S., . . . Rodrigues, C. R. (2015). Genealogical relations and lexical distances within the Tupí linguistic family: A lexicostatistical and phylogenetic approach. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 229–274. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200004 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 254) \|\| PTpr *ɲãpi(-ʔa) > Ma ɲã́pi, Wy ãpi-a, Tu ãpsí, Sk ãpi-tsa, Ak ãpí-ta (Nikulin & Andrade, 2020Nikulin, A., & Andrade, R. (2020). The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 18(4), 284–319., p. 297) \|\| Kt ɲʤopi-ʔop, Ari ɲɒ̃pi (Storto, 1999Storto, L. (1999). Aspects of a Karitiana grammar [Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology]., p. 20; Rondon & Faria, 1948Rondon, C. M. S., & Faria, J. B. (1948). Glossário Geral das tribos silvícolas de Mato-Grosso e outras da Amazônia e do Norte do Brasil (Tom. I). Imprenta Nacional., p. 193; Nimuendajú, 1932Nimuendajú, C. (1932). Wortlisten aus Amazonien. Journal de la Société des américanistes, 24(1), 93–119., p. 109, ‹nhampí›_B, ‹u-nyḁ̃pí›_N); Ari ɲɒ̃pi-mæ̃ ʔæβ-ɒ ‘nostril’, ɲɒ̃pi-mbʉ ‘nasal adornment’ (Nimuendajú, 1932Nimuendajú, C. (1932). Wortlisten aus Amazonien. Journal de la Société des américanistes, 24(1), 93–119., p. 109, 111, ‹u-inyampi-maába›_N, ‹nyḁ̃pi-bú̜›_N) \|\| (?) Pa ámĩ[ã(ː)], Ar amĩĩ, Gv ámîì, Zo ámii, Sl aβĩ[ʔã] (Bontkes, 1978Bontkes, W. (1978). Dicionário preliminar: Suruí–português, português–suruí. Summer Institute of Linguistics., p. 2; Galucio et al., 2015Galucio, A. V., Meira, S., Birchall, J., Moore, D., Gabas Jr., N., Drude, S., . . . Rodrigues, C. R. (2015). Genealogical relations and lexical distances within the Tupí linguistic family: A lexicostatistical and phylogenetic approach. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 229–274. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200004 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 254)
(14)	PT *(j)atɨ ‘pain’ (in some languages also ‘sour’)
	PMG *catɨ > Mw satɨ, Aw atɨ, PTG **tatsɨ/-ratsɨ (Meira & Drude, 2015Meira, S., & Drude, S. (2015). A summary reconstruction of proto-maweti–guarani segmental phonology. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 275–296. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200005 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 294) \|\| PJu ʃadɨ́* ‘sour’ > Yu i-ʃadɨ́, Xi ʃadɨ (Fargetti & Rodrigues, 2008Fargetti, C. M., & Rodrigues, C. L. R. (2008). Consoantes do Xipaya e do Juruna: Uma comparação em busca do proto-sistema. Alfa, 52(2), 535–563., p. 560; reconstruction ours) \|\| PTpr *jati > Ma cáti, Wy ati, Tu así, Sk atsi, Ak aʧi (Nikulin & Andrade, 2020Nikulin, A., & Andrade, R. (2020). The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 18(4), 284–319., p. 297) \|\| Kt oti (Storto, 1999Storto, L. (1999). Aspects of a Karitiana grammar [Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology]., p. 206) \|\| Pa [ʃ]atí-ga, Ar ‹atiká› ‘ill’, Gv -atí (Bontkes, 1978Bontkes, W. (1978). Dicionário preliminar: Suruí–português, português–suruí. Summer Institute of Linguistics., p. 19; Sekelj, 1948Sekelj, T. (1948). Wordlist Aruá-Makurap-Zaboti-Arikapú-Tupari. Unpublished manuscript. http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1 http://www.etnolinguistica.org/sekelj:1... ; Moore, 1984Moore, D. (1984). Syntax of the language of the Gavião Indians of Rondônia, Brazil [Ph.D. dissertation, City University of New York]., p. 112)
(15)	PT *jaɯ ‘howler monkey’
	PTpr *jaɨ > Wy ndaʉ, Tu haʉ, Sk ta:ʔɨ, Ak taɨ-kóp (Nikulin & Andrade, 2020Nikulin, A., & Andrade, R. (2020). The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 18(4), 284–319., p. 294) \|\| Kr jaɨ (Galucio et al., 2015Galucio, A. V., Meira, S., Birchall, J., Moore, D., Gabas Jr., N., Drude, S., . . . Rodrigues, C. R. (2015). Genealogical relations and lexical distances within the Tupí linguistic family: A lexicostatistical and phylogenetic approach. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 229–274. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200004 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 267) \|\| (?) Pu aʒɨ(!) (Galucio, 2005Galucio, A. V. (2005). Puruborá: Notas etnográficas e lingüísticas recentes. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 1(2), 159–192., p. 181)
(16)	PT *jepɨ ‘payment’
	PMG *cepɨ > Aw tepɨ, PTG *tepɨ/-repɨ* (Corrêa da Silva, 2010Corrêa da Silva, B. C. (2010). Mawé/Awetí/Tupí–Guaraní: Relações lingüísticas e implicações históricas [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 407; reconstruction ours) \|\| PMu *ðéi > Mu deí (Picanço, 2005Picanço, G. L. (2005). Mundurukú: Phonetics, phonology, synchrony, diachrony [Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia]., p. 239; reconstruction ours) \|\| (?) Yu bɨ́[á] (!) ‘to be expensive, to pay’ (Fargetti, 2001Fargetti, C. M. (2001). Estudo fonológico e morfossintático da língua Juruna [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Estadual de Campinas]., p. 186) \|\| PTpr *jepi > Tu epsi (Singerman, 2018Singerman, A. R. (2018). The morphosyntax of Tuparí, a Tupían language of the Brazilian Amazon [Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago]., p. 86; reconstruction ours)
(17)	PT *jəβa ‘forehead’
	PMG *coβa ‘face’ > Aw towa, PTG **toβa/-roβa (Sabino, 2016Sabino, W. K. (2016). Awetýza tiʔíngatú: Construindo uma gramática da língua Awetý, com contribuições para o conhecimento do seu desenvolvimento histórico [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de Brasília]., p. 97; Mello, 2000Mello, A. A. S. (2000). Estudo histórico da família lingüística Tupi–Guarani: Aspectos fonológicos e lexicais [Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina]., p. 183; reconstruction ours) \|\| PTpr jeβa* ‘forehead’ > Ma cépa, Tu épa ‘eye’, Wy eβa/i>, Sk/Ak eba- (in compounds) (Nikulin & Andrade, 2020Nikulin, A., & Andrade, R. (2020). The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 18(4), 284–319., pp. 292, 297)
(18)	PT *jəp ‘leaf’
	PMG *-cop > Mw [ɨ]hop, Aw op, PTG 3^rd *ts-op (Meira & Drude, 2015Meira, S., & Drude, S. (2015). A summary reconstruction of proto-maweti–guarani segmental phonology. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 275–296. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200005 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 293) \|\| PMu *ðɨp > Mu dəp, Ku lɨp (Picanço, 2019Picanço, G. L. (2019). A fonologia diacrônica do Proto-Mundurukú (Tupí). Appris., p. 139) \|\| PJu *súpá > Yu úpá, Xi supa (Fargetti & Rodrigues, 2008Fargetti, C. M., & Rodrigues, C. L. R. (2008). Consoantes do Xipaya e do Juruna: Uma comparação em busca do proto-sistema. Alfa, 52(2), 535–563., p. 561; reconstruction ours) \|\| PTpr *jep > Ma cep, Wy ndep, Tu hep, Sk tep, Ak tep (Nikulin & Andrade, 2020Nikulin, A., & Andrade, R. (2020). The rise and fall of approximants in the Tuparian languages. Journal of Language Relationship, 18(4), 284–319., p. 295) \|\| Kt sap, Ari -sæβ-ɒ (Storto, 1999Storto, L. (1999). Aspects of a Karitiana grammar [Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology]., p. 62; Rondon & Faria, 1948Rondon, C. M. S., & Faria, J. B. (1948). Glossário Geral das tribos silvícolas de Mato-Grosso e outras da Amazônia e do Norte do Brasil (Tom. I). Imprenta Nacional., p. 200; Nimuendajú, 1932Nimuendajú, C. (1932). Wortlisten aus Amazonien. Journal de la Société des américanistes, 24(1), 93–119., p. 113, ‹goxáua›_B, ‹ë́bḁ̆-sáb̌ ă›_N) \|\| Kr naʔ-jop (Gabas Jr., 1999Gabas Jr., N. (1999). A Grammar of Karo, Tupi (Brazil) [Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara]., pp. 26, 211) \|\| Pu təp ‘leaf, hair’ (Galucio, 2005Galucio, A. V. (2005). Puruborá: Notas etnográficas e lingüísticas recentes. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 1(2), 159–192., p. 167) \|\| Ar/Gv tsep, Zo sep, Sl bá-sep (Galucio et al., 2015Galucio, A. V., Meira, S., Birchall, J., Moore, D., Gabas Jr., N., Drude, S., . . . Rodrigues, C. R. (2015). Genealogical relations and lexical distances within the Tupí linguistic family: A lexicostatistical and phylogenetic approach. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, 10(2), 229–274. https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200004 https://doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000... , p. 252)

	PTG	Awetí	S.-Mawé	Yudjá	Mundurukú	Karitiana	Tuparí	S.-Paiter	Karo	Puruborá
(a)	*e	e	e	e	e	a	e	e	e	e
(b)	*o	o	o	a	ə	a	e	e	e	e
(c)	*o	o	o	a	ə	ɨ	o	a	a	a
(d)	*u	u	u	u	o	ɨ	o	o	o	o

	PTG	Awetí	S.-Mawé	Yudjá	Mundurukú	Karitiana	Tuparí	S.-Paiter	Karo	Puruborá
(a)	*e	e	e	e	e	a	e	e	e	e
(b)	*o	o	o	a	ə	a	e	e	e	e
(c)	*o	o	o	a	ə	ɨ	o	a	a	a
(d)	*u	u	u	u	o	ɨ	o	o	o	o