Lodging establishments as a sign of urban hospitality¹

Instalaciones de alojamiento como signo de hospitalidad urbana

Abstract

Justification of the topic:  Studies can demonstrate the role of space for hospitality; especially for urban hospitality. However, the association of the city space as urban image and lodging landscape as an attribute of urban hospitality, is not yet adequately addressed by the literature on this topic.

Purpose:  The objective of this research is to systematize the hospitality in accommodation establishments, which was potentially constructed from internal spaces of lodging, but can also be observed on the scale of the city, therefore lodging as a factor of urban hospitality - an approach that has been little addressed in the literature.

Methodology/Design:  Therefore, the research is characterized as exploratory, supported by documentary survey as well as case studies and empirical analysis based on the ideal representation (Peirce´s semiotic). In the selection of what is to represent, it is possible to identify an intellection, by the subject issuer (lodging architecture), propose ideologies; and as such, the architecture of lodging can be a sign of urban hospitality. The interpretive method of evaluation of the results was supported by the theories of urban hospitality, particularly with the work of Lucio Grinover (2007) who draws in urban theory on image and urban landscape in Kevin Lynch's work.

Findings and originality:  The results suggest the possibility of urban hospitality or of the city built through lodging establishments.

Keywords: Lodging establishments; Urban hospitality; City

Resumen

Propósito justificado del tema:  Estudios pueden demostrar el papel del espacio para la hospitalidad; sobre todo para la hospitalidad urbana. Sin embargo, la asociación del espacio de la ciudad como imagen urbana y paisaje urbano de los medios de hospedaje como atributo de hospitalidad urbana, aún no está debidamente contemplada por bibliografía de dicho tema.

Objetivo:  El objetivo de esta investigación es sistematizar la hospitalidad en instalaciones de alojamiento, que fue construida en realidad a partir de los espacios internos de las instalaciones de alojamiento, pero también se puede observar en la escala de la ciudad, por lo tanto la instalación de alojamiento como factor de hospitalidad urbana - idea poco difundida por la bibliografía temática de hospitalidad urbana.

Metodología/Design:  Por lo tanto, la investigación se caracteriza como exploratoria, con el apoyo de revisión bibliográfica, así como estudios de casos y análisis empíricos hechos a la luz del ideal de la representación (semiótica peirceana). En la selección de lo que se quiere representar es posible identificar una intelección, por parte del emisor (arquitectura de instalaciones de alojamiento), en proponer ideologías; y como tal, la arquitectura de instalaciones de alojamiento también puede ser signo de hospitalidad urbana. El método de interpretación de la evaluación de los resultados fue apoyado por las teorías de la hospitalidad urbana, especialmente con la obra de Lucio Grinover (2007) que ha buscado apoyo en las teorías de urbanización sobre la imagen urbana y el paisaje urbano con el trabajo de Kevin Lynch (2010).

Resultados y originalidad del documento:  Los resultados pueden inferir la posibilidad de la hospitalidad urbana o de la ciudad, construida a través de las instalaciones de alojamiento.

Palabras-Clave: Instalaciones de alojamiento; Hospitalidad urbana; Ciudad

Resumo

Propósito justificado do tema:  Estudos podem demonstrar o papel do espaço para a hospitalidade; sobretudo para a hospitalidade urbana. No entanto, a associação do espaço citadino enquanto imagem e paisagem urbanas dos meios de hospedagem como atributo de hospitalidade urbana, ainda não está devidamente contemplada por bibliografia do referido tema.

Objetivo:  O objetivo dessa pesquisa é sistematizar a hospitalidade em meios de hospedagem, a qual foi construída potencialmente a partir de espaços internos dos meios de hospedagem, mas que pode ser observada também à escala da cidade, portanto o meio de hospedagem como fator de hospitalidade urbana - ideia pouco efetivada por bibliografia especializada.

Metodologia/Design:  Para tanto, a pesquisa se caracterizou como exploratória, respaldada pelo levantamento e leitura bibliográficos, bem como estudos de caso e análises empíricas feitas à luz do ideal de representação (semiótica peirceana). Na seleção do que se pretende representar, é possível identificar uma intelecção, por parte do sujeito emissor (arquitetura de meios de hospedagem), em propor ideologias; e como tal, a arquitetura de meios de hospedagem também pode ser signo de hospitalidade urbana. O método interpretativo de avaliação dos resultados esteve amparado pelas teorias de hospitalidade urbana, essencialmente com o trabalho de Lucio Grinover (2007), que se ampara nas teorias de urbanização acerca de imagem e paisagem urbanas nos trabalhos de Kevin Lynch (2010).

Resultados e originalidade do documento:  Os resultados inferem sobre a possibilidade da hospitalidade urbana ou da cidade, construída através de meios de hospedagem.

Palavras-chave: Meios de hospedagem; Hospitalidade urbana; Cidade

1 INTRODUCTION

Today we live in what is being called postmodern age; in certain contexts, it is generally characterized by a demographic pattern of improved quality of life and better conditions of survival; whether due to advances in medicine or protection in retirement, among other forms of social assistance. These aspects can also be related to tourist activity, where lodging (for a guest in vacation, for example) can be better "designed", not only for comfort, but also as an aesthetic experience, operational efficiency in the provision of services, and in environmental equity towards the place and community where such accommodation is (Dias, 1990, p. 147).

In this way, such circumstances can be systematized in theories of hospitality and sustainability (for example) of spaces in lodging establishments. Lash and Urry (2002) infer the role of space when the gaze plays a fundamental role in the travel experience.

However, research on hospitality has focused essentially on the social role of the individuals involved, analyzing a variety of domains and sectors regardless of social classes (Gibson & Molz, 2016; Bastos & Rejowski, 2015; Lashley, Lynch, & Morrison, 2007; Camargo, 2015; O’Gorman, 2007). Tasci and Semerad (2016) argue that in hospitality the "intense" social interaction between host and guest makes the human factor essential to the guest's experience; especially since it is the human value that creates a special product.

The social contents of hospitality studies even come to consider customers (guests) as controlling agents and even the executors of the planning and management of tourism companies, in the contemporary logic of co-creation (Roeffen & Grissemann, 2016).

Knutson, Beck, Kim, and Cha (2009) understand hospitality in terms of human involvement, not in "things" (considered as objects and space).

Therefore, today, the study of hospitality in lodging establishments is not actually focused on the spatial values; but rather on a social business logic (Lashley, 2015), because even old hospitality ⁵ is a foundation for helping to understand and meet customer needs, in the sense that they feel welcomed in a "morality" of provision of food, drink and shelter. In the same vein, Pezzotti (2011) infers that hospitality is the strategy, and service is its tactics.

Lashley (2015) provides five motives for offering hospitality: ulterior motivation (in the sense of getting some benefit), containing motivation (to keep the "enemy" around and control their offensive actions), commercial motivation (treating the guest very well as a "customer" in the host’s "house") , reciprocal motivation (to receive the same treatment when the host becomes a guest), redistributive motivation (for being generous or benevolent), altruistic motivation (for being "agreeable" to others). Thus, one can understand a social attribute in Lashley’s (2015) motivations that is undoubtedly inherent to hospitality; but these do not consider space as an interpretative dominant; although a socio-spatial dialectic relationship (Soja, 1993; Lefebvre, 1991) can arise.

In this sense, Pitt-Rivers (2012) refers to the social relationships of hospitality in which the host receives the guest with generosity, host and guest respect and pay homage to each other, but the guest respects the host regarding the use of space. Spatial values are often not perceivable and "measurable" from quantitative data; in this sense, Oh and Jeong (2010) have shown that in different segments of the hotel industry one should place more trust in theories than in data.

Many of the current research come to interpret space as a sign of hospitality at the scale of the city; but most of the time, the research motivation rests on a social, business and management approach of hotel industry and tourism. Thus, the tourist destination is interpreted in the light of customer satisfaction with a suitable profile or not for the destination studied (Hosany & Martin, 2012); the image of the destination is studied from the choice that the traveler makes in advance of the image of the destination (Ahn, Ekinci, & Li, 2013; Kamins & Grupta, 1994); the "happiness" of the tourist experience and the perception of hospitality are interpreted by the image of the tourist destination as a contributing part of a predominant social analysis (Hatfield, Cacioppo, & Rapson, 1994).

Therefore, there are a number of authors who criticize a "one-way" interpretive bias for hospitality by taking quantitative data from customer perception in order to investigate the business efficiency of planning and management in tourism and hotel business: there is a "guiding thread" in hospitality studies given the importance of receiving the individuals in order to meet their physiological, psychological, and social needs and having in mind a satisfied consumer in his/her travel (Bareham, 2004; Hemmington, 2007; Nailon, 1982; Carvalho, Salazar, & Neves, 2011; Gouveia, 2013; Gentile, Spiller, & Noci, 2007).

Thus, there is a first issue in research: the space is not considered as a primordial sign in hospitality studies regarding lodging. Moreover, from the documentary survey, presented in the theoretical foundation section of this study, a second issue arose: there is no association between the space of the lodging establishment to urban hospitality; i.e., the accommodation space has always been treated as hospitality only inside the building or in the provision of hotel services.

Given these two issues, the hypothesis of this research was put forward, i.e. the lodging establishments’ architecture as a possible sign and attribute of urban hospitality, at the scale of the city. The research, therefore, is justified by the gap in the literature regarding lodging establishments (also) as urban hospitality.

To this end, we “scanned” the condition of hospitality in the history of hotel industry. The methodological procedures included the interpretation of the lodging buildings at the scale of the city, as urban landscape. Such lodging establishments were listed from the suggestions drawn from the literature, case studies, and on hotels advertisements in the tourism trade media.

From the representations of lodging establishments in the urban image and landscape, one can notice how significant they are (by the differential in the image of the city), how they create places as urban landmarks; and therefore, according to the theories of Lucio Grinover (2007), can be interpreted as attributes for urban hospitality.

This study is justified in the field of tourism because it addressed two phenomena inherent to it: lodging establishments and urban hospitality. It is considered that the lodging establishments are an effective part of the tourism productive chain of a city destination, thus, part of the tourism infrastructure (Amposta, 2015).

Regarding urban hospitality, it relates to tourism through studies in the field of applied social sciences and humanities, showing that any social action in the displacement and movement of people, in order to achieve success, must understand and meet hospitality criteria; it is suggested, therefore, that the planning and management of any tourism activity are directly linked to the application of hospitality principles (of which urban hospitality is one of the features), to the principles of "welcoming" the other, to the training of people for tourism activities dealing with foreigners and alterity (Camargo, 2005; Grinover, 2006).

Thus, among the various areas of hospitality study, the urban hospitality was chosen for this research because it is related to the quality of the urban environment of the tourist destination, the quality of the tourist's optical experience when traveling through the city, and therefore with the quality of the urban landscape of the city destination (which includes a city image also hospitable to the citizen) (Grinover, 2007; Grinover, 2006; Grinover, 2003). And here we have suggested that the lodging establishments can contribute to the formation of a hospitable urban image and landscape of a city tourist destination.

Thus, in terms of organization this article first describes the methodology adopted; constructs a theoretical framework for the understanding of space hospitality in lodging establishments; then, we demonstrate that space hospitality contents in lodging establishments are essentially linked to the services and internal spaces of the buildings that contain these establishments. In the discussion of the results, in view of this predominant ideal of hospitality in lodgings, we argue that the hospitality of lodgings can also occur at the scale of the city. Therefore, the result obtained is the possibility of unfolding researches that seek to demonstrate the contribution of lodging establishments as hospitality in the urban image and landscape.

2 METHODOLOGY

This study is characterized as exploratory and descriptive, because according to Gil (2008), the objective of research is to get an overview of a phenomenon: lodging establishments as a sign of urban hospitality, while describing the characteristics of this phenomenon.

It can also be said that the exploratory nature of the research also suits the interdisciplinary value because it tried to "bring together" two phenomena (lodging establishments and urban hospitality) hitherto never previously correlated, little studied and systematized together, allowing the interaction between two fields of knowledge, recombining distinct elements for a new idea; although it is first presented in a "broad" and "open" manner (Vasconcelos, 2002).

The exploratory nature of research was based on the documentary survey, as well as case studies and on the study of the promotion of accommodation establishments in tourism trade media; moreover, we also surveyed information on websites that promote accommodation establishments - these are the data collection instruments - becoming the material for spatial "reading" of hotel environments, especially as urban spaces, urban image, and urban landscape.

The researchers’ repertoire supported the data collection stage based on what Roland Barthes (1971) considers the researchers’ experience and previous knowledge in the selection of the materials considered pertinent to the subject of study; i.e., also the accumulation of empirical knowledge as data to be considered.

In addition, the concepts of hospitality, hospitality of lodging establishments and urban hospitality were analyzed; the use of this terms and their combination in English, were used as keywords for searching the scientific production on the topic in the last five years (2012 to 2017) in academic databases: Ebscohost, Elsevier, Scielo (Scientific Electronic Library Online) and CAPES Periodicals Portal.

Moreover, we "scanned" the scientific production (using the same keywords used in the search in databases) in the following libraries: School of Communications and Arts (ECA), University of São Paulo (USP); School of Architecture and Urbanism (FAU), University of São Paulo (USP); University of Vale do Itajaí (UNIVALI); and Anhembi-Morumbi University (UAM). Thus, we analyzed a corpus consisting of books, theses, and dissertations on the subject.

The search in databases and libraries provided data for bibliometric analysis as part and process of the research, necessary for identifying the literature to be used in the identification of the research problem, in the construction of the theoretical framework and theoretical foundation. Above all, bibliometrics confirmed the existing gap, the innovative character of the research, and its contribution to the field of tourism: the lodging establishments had never been associated as an attribute and sign of urban hospitality.

With all this material and repertoire, it followed the spatial "reading" of the object of study.

The “reading” of space was based on the interpretative method of representation (according to Peircean semiotics). That is, we considered the promotional images and the spaces of hotels in urban environments as representation. In the selection of what we want to represent it was possible to identify an intellection, on the part of the emitting subject or emitting object (lodging establishments’ architecture), in proposing ideologies; which, in this sense, were interpreted as a sign to create differences in the urban image and landscape.

When they represent themselves, the lodging establishments disclose the ideology of the sender and, possibly interpreted by the receiver, the values are shown; considering that in the transmission and reception processes the information generated by the receiver does not comprise the total communication and information; hence also the possibility of interpreting the reason why the issuing objective was not achieved. In these processes of representation (transmission and reception) reveals the cultural repertoire of the subjects and objects (lodgings), being possible to produce signs that, associated, could reconsider hypotheses formulated at the beginning of the research; allowing generalizations or interpretations specific to the multi-significant visual and spatial language advocated by Peircean semiotics.

In this context, the architecture of lodging establishments, as an urban image, were understood as representing places in the city or as urban landmarks; i.e., they are "strong" visual elements stored in the individual or collective memory as landmarks in the urban environment (for both tourists and citizens). Therefore, if the lodging establishments are understood as urban landmarks, they can be interpreted as invested with signs of urban hospitality (Grinover, 2007).

While possible generalizations and innovative character of this research, it is possible to glimpse the hospitality of the lodging establishments (as architecture) not only as a spatial condition internal to the building. To that end, the interpretive method of analyzing the results draws on urban hospitality theories, particularly on Lucio Grinover’s (2007) work, which is based on urban theory about urban image and landscape, especially on the works of Kevin Lynch (2010).

3 THEORETICAL FOUNDATION

3.1 Hospitality in lodging establishments

Hospitality can be justified and grounded on the physical features of the environment of lodging spaces. Thus, some authors refer to the aesthetics of a hotel, while physical appearance of the hotel product, what can be "felt" with it, the sound qualities of hotel environment, the flavors in the catering offer and even the smell of environments, as signs linked to hospitality (Garvin, 1992).

In this sense, also the space hospitality of a lodging establishment can be explained through topics of psychology, such as “experience” or mental “transference”. In the “experiential” domain, the perspective of Yi-Fu Tuan (2013) can explain the differences between the categories of space and place (used in the analysis of hotel buildings, for example): the various spaces of a hotel may embody the idea of a memorable place (also for local citizens and not just guests) because they are associated with codes and social signs tagging "memories" in life; thus, the experience of the architectural space of a hotel ballroom can trigger the memory of a baptism or birthday party, weddings, anniversaries, etc. An example of mental "transference" is the fact that a guest, when entering the hotel room, can be moved by the identification of the decoration or furniture of past situations (of similar environments already experienced) (Tricárico & Vargas, 2017).

Thus, it is possible to associate the semantic and sensorial value of space with hospitality: "The exercise of hospitality is a resumption of the symbolic" (Gotman, 2001).

We can also interpret through language the proper relation between the lodging establishments and hospitality. In the Latin-speaking countries there was the option of using the term "hotel" when referring to lodging; but this same meaning for "hospitality" arises in Anglo-Saxon countries as hospitality (Camargo, 2015). Hence, therefore, the use of hospitality to designate "hotel" and not the use of hotel business (Camargo, 2015). Grinover (2007) points out that the Oxford English Dictionary registers the meaning of hospitality as the "reception and entertainment of guests, visitors or strangers" and comes from the term "hospice", a resting home for the pilgrims in the Middle Ages. Therefore, there is a clear association between built-up space (resting home) and hospitality, as well as the idea of ​​"guest entertainment" giving the "emotional" character that activities and spaces should offer when receiving the guests.

According to Gotman (2010), the term hospitality is loaded with meanings, having arisen in the French vocabulary in 1206, meaning, above all, "charity accommodation for the indigent", linking to charity as a Christian theological virtue; as far back as the sixteenth century, hospitality retakes the meaning "inspired" in the antiquity, according to Antoine Furetière in his Universal Dictionary of 1684: there is hospitality based on charity, offering shelter and benevolence towards the indigent; and there is another hospitality referring to the reciprocal right of protection between peers.

Camargo (2015) states that certain disfavor and prejudice (even by the academia) "surrounds" the ideal of hospitality, effectively when referring to present-day hotel industry. As an interpretation of hospitality, we can include the daily rates and the profits from the hotel services. Even the academia started training professionals for the hotel industry, "overshadowing" a humanistic conception of the hospitality topic (Camargo, 2015). I.e., the conception of hospitality was very much shaped by the services of the hotel company; where even the hotel space was essentially considered as an element of business management.

Consequently, it would be necessary to go through the history of hotels to demonstrate that the evocation of space in lodgings is expressed through not necessarily commercial hospitality.

In this sense, Camargo (2015) emphasized the possibility of the association between hospitality and aesthetics (inclusive of space): "An association of aesthetics and hospitality could find in Kant's (1994) ‘endless end’ a good research clue. Also, Kant could introduce the study of playfulness, the pleasure associated with the human action of receiving people (...) "(Camargo, 2015).

Evidently, the propositions of "playfulness" and "human action of receiving people" (as quoted above) may dismiss spatial supports.

Moreover, it can be referred Rita de Cássia Ariza da Cruz’s (2002) statement that the hospitality is the act of reception that provides well-being to the guest; and therefore, even if payment is involved for this catering service, the contents of hospitality are not absent. Cruz (2002) proposes that even if it is not paid, hospitality is often offered in an unacceptable and non-spontaneous way by the host; therefore, the fact that one does not pay for alleged hospitality does not (necessarily) imply that this has taken place.

Although free of charge, hospitality offered by the host could often be a liability in the light of the religious codes and conduct at the time: the fear of the "punishment" of the gods for bad hosting seems to have been a "bargaining chip" for the host to do so in a supposedly "voluntary" way. Thus, one can distinguish between "prepared", "trained", and "planned" hospitality (inclusive of the hospitality space) and voluntary hospitality on the part of the host: "Being a host does not mean being hospitable" (Wada, 2003).

Today, many hotel companies sell the hotel product and "experiences" (through space, inclusive) as a sign of hospitality - a condition of this stage of capital, explained by Pine and Gilmore (1999) as a fourth economic sector (after the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors), differentiating itself from the goods and services, because it adds evocative values previously unidentifiable (Rubino, 2009).

It seems inescapable that any direct interpersonal relationship with the guest at some point should include a genuine hospitality, even if it is (in principle) commercial hospitality (Lashley, 2004): the hotel valet can help an elderly person to cross the street or the relationship between a receptionist and the guest may include cultural exchanges and information that were not "foreseen" in the daily charge.

In addition, one could think that within an interpretation of commercial hospitality the guests’ satisfaction would be greater the more "luxurious" and "expensive" are the hotel services; however, many statements have shown that an excellent hotel experience also occurs in simpler and cheaper units, yet cozy and comfortable (as spatial attributes) (Lockwood & Jones, 2002).

The fact is that the two categories of hospitality - voluntary or commercial - can sometimes merge. It seems difficult to make a definitive distinction on this subject. Petrocchi (2002), in referring to the hotel industry, says that even as a business, it should above all satisfy the customer and not be understood as just selling services and products: "This is customization. In short, we are in the age of the customer” (Petrocchi, 2002, p. 77). Petrocchi (2002) seeks to justify this customization from a business perspective, through a "fourth" kind of economic offer - "post-services" - that should reach customer sensitivity - and here is the spatial support for that.

3.2 Hospitality in the lodging establishments associated with services and spaces inside the building

For the purpose of this study it is appropriate to make an overview of hospitality throughout the history of hotels, demonstrating that they offered sensory and semantic conditions, but particularly of the internal space to the hotel or accommodation buildings.

There are few records that indicate the beginning of the history of hotels, however, it is known that they first appear to meet travelers needs for shelter, support, and food (Campos & Gonçalves, 1998). Before Classical Antiquity there is reference to hospitality in taverns: The Code of Hammurabi (circa 1700 BC) presented these places as "pleasure houses." In Old Persia inns were built for caravan stops in the so-called khans (space with stable, inn, and fortress) (Walker, 2002, p. 4).

From the sixth century BC there was already a demand for accommodation due to the commercial exchange between Mediterranean cities. At that time, lodgings were characterized by self-service, they were parts of residences or rooms occupied with three to ten beds, without differentiating the type of guests (Duarte, 1996).

The antiquity is characterized by hospitality in thermal baths in Britain (England), Helvetia (Switzerland) and the Middle East (Andrade, Brito, & Jorge, 2000, p. 19).

The Olympic games were held at the shrine of Olympia in Ancient Greece; there bathhouses and an inn were built. Thermal baths were not necessarily a lodging, but they were places of leisure that had rooms to rest (Campos & Gonçalves, 1998).

The concept of hospitality as reception occurred in Ancient Greece in ritual hospitality: the guest was offered an initial bath to freshen up; then he was honored with the place considered the most welcoming of the house or room, where a fireplace was lit, symbol of the house god Lares; spraying perfume on the heads of the most important travelers was a sign of welcome (Dias, 2002, p. 100); the host still took care of the traveler's feet without asking him the name or the reason for his trip, maintaining a certain "distance" from the "stranger" in respect to his identity, origin and uniqueness (Grinover, 2007, p. 35).

In the Classical Greco-Roman period the increased trade of food products and other merchandise promoted traveling and the need for places to rest and feed, which were initially the houses of the inhabitants. However, over time, hospitality in Greece and Rome could also be found in terms of space in taverns - the tabernae. Marco Polo concluded that many taverns were "worthy of a king." With the flourishing of the Roman Empire local taverns and inns appeared for encounters of merchants, scholars, and actors, called divertorium. Taverns and inns by the roadside were places for people of the "lowest order" (prostitutes, drunks and addicts, people with rude habits and dubious morals), called ganea (Dias, 1990, p. 28).

In the Roman Empire there is also the stabulum for traveler lodging and horse feeding; had a different type of guest (those traveling on horses). The mutatione was constructed by the roads maintained by the Roman state, it gave support to the exchange of animals in transit and for the rest of the traveler. The mansione was intended to house military troops. The popinae offered food and drink; the oenopoly offered alcoholic beverages and the thermopoly supplied hot drinks (Dias, 1990, p. 28).

The hostellum in the Roman Empire was a mansion where kings and nobles stayed while traveling (Duarte, 1996).

The lodging houses of the Romans spatially demonstrated material resources characteristic of hospitality in daily life, as well as the resources needed to meet the traveler’s needs (Dias, 2002, p. 103). In the period of the Roman Empire, the apostles of Jesus Christ preached the ideal of a Christian home with the duty of a "shelter of Christ" (referring to Christian charity as moral duty to offer lodging) (Grinover, 2007, p. 35).

With the decline of the Roman Empire, public hospitality became a prerequisite for religious orders (Walker, 2002, p. 5). The taverns, regarded as places of "pleasure" and a mundane space, could no longer receive religious pilgrims; they stayed in inns next to the temples and sacred places. Christianity and the Crusades, in this sense, contributed to the increase of the lodging establishments (Monteiro, 2005). Charlemagne in the eighth century built inns for religious pilgrims throughout Europe, also promoting safety and lodgings for orders of chivalry. Mediaeval corporations "opened their houses" to a proper reception, resembling monasteries lodgings (Walker 2002, p. 6).

Hospitals and inns were accommodation for pilgrims in "holy" places, often located near monasteries, offering medical treatment (hence the "hospital" as it is known today) and flourished in the eleventh century, especially in Portugal. In the medieval period inns or estáus (or estáos, or hostáos) appeared as public or court retirement houses (Dias, 1990, p. 29). In the thirteenth century, in Europe, the hospitalis was a charity place for indigents and travelers; it also promoted mutual knowledge among people staying there (Grinover, 2007, p. 36).

In Paris in the thirteenth century, the provision of hospitality services was regulated; therefore, considered as a consolidated and growing activity (Dias, 2002, p. 103). Throughout the Middle Ages, the reception of travelers was treated as a spiritual and moral obligation (Andrade et al., 2000, p. 18). Andrade et al., 2000, p. 19). Still in the Middle Ages and Early Modern times, the lodgings were consolidated in abbeys, monasteries, accommodation near post offices, shelters for religious pilgrims and crusaders (Andrade et al., 2000, p. 19). Florence, for example, in 1282, created the board of lodging businessmen, with the purpose of defending the common interests of those entrepreneurs (Pires, 1991a).

The term hospitality also derived from the term hospice, and which currently has meaning attached to the spaces of "asylums" or "shelters"; term from a French word meaning "to give help or shelter to travelers". One of the best-known hospices is the Beaune, Burgundy, France, which opened in 1443 (Walker, 2002, p. 4). Relevant spatial aspects of the Hospice de Beune are thus reported: "The extravagance of the Hospice de Beaune is disconcerting, with ornate arabesques, courtyards surrounded by pediments and a dazzling covering of polychrome tiles (...). The Hospice is still valued by a remarkable collection of art (...) such as the Last Judgment, by Rogier van der Weyden (...) "(Walker, 2002, p. 4).

In the sixteenth century, during the Tudor Dynasty in England, there was an increase in the number of lodging establishments because of political stability (Chon, 2003, p. 87). In addition, the fact that carriages became the most widely used means of transportation in England made inns and taverns (post houses, post offices, carriage hotels or stagecoach inn) necessary for appropriate rest stops (Walker, 2002, p. 6).

In general, the era of the great national monarchies was marked by lodging for the nobles, arranged by the Empires in palaces, in military and administrative facilities. Plebeian travelers were sheltered precariously in hostels and inns (Walker, 2002, p. 6).

Also at the beginning of the colonization of the New World one can notice the emergence of lodging establishments: in 1642 the Dutch set up the first tavern in the United States, Stadt Huys, in Niewn Amsterdam (now New York). In 1643, the East India Company founded the Krieger Tavern in Bowling Green (Walker, 2002, p. 10).

The first records of hospitality in the Land of Vera Cruz (Brazil) were of religious and familial nature. "Guest Houses" appear in records of the old capitals of Brazil (like Salvador and Rio de Janeiro) in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, located in convents, in religious orders that gave lodging to brethren in transit and many were considered as "hospices" in its beginnings (as, for example, the o Hospício da Ordem Terceira de Santo Agostinho [The Third Order of Saint Augustin], in Salvador, founded in 1693); but, over time, these places became hotels with few adaptations (Buarraj, 2004).

The eighteenth century resumed the notion of hospitality with a commercial meaning, although maintaining the practice of exchange, reciprocity, and conciliation (Montadon, 2003, p. 138). Thus, in the eighteenth century, there were initiatives to create hotels that charged for the services provided; in 1760 the word "hotel", from hôtel-garni, was used in England; it meant an establishment known in France, but in the English context it had luxurious and ostentatious accommodations (Dias, 2002, p. 104). In 1774, the first family-run hotel in London appeared at Lord Archer's house in Convent Garden (Dias, 1990, p. 32).

In 1788, one of the first European hotels - the Hotel Henry IV - was inaugurated in Nantes (Walker, 2002, p. 7).

In Brazil, in 1785, the Casa dos Hóspedes [House of the Guests] was constituted in the College of the Society of Jesus, in Salvador; many people stayed there given the role of the Catholic Church in the hosting of prominent visitors in that time (Duarte, 1996).

The idea of resort hotel appeared in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century (Dias, 2002, p. 104). Also in this period, the grand American hotel appeared in the United States, where any citizen or tourist could enjoy the offered services (since they paid for them); different from the European hotel industry aimed only at the aristocracy.

Also in the eighteenth century, there was a rapid growth of the hotel industry due to the pioneering role of the innkeepers in the United States, concomitant with the equality policy inherent to the American democracy (Duarte, 1996). Thus, in the year 1794 in New York, the first building designed to be a hotel was considered an "immense establishment", since 70% of the total area was destined for social use; the population of the city, which was 30 thousand inhabitants at that time, began to use the hotel for social gatherings. Since then, several hotels have been built, occupying an important place in the American cities. It stands out, in this bias, the first "skyscraper" that was constructed in New York - the Adelphi Hotel building - with six floors.

The transfer of the Portuguese Royal Family to Rio de Janeiro in 1808 promoted the emergence of luxury hotels, with new services unknown to the people of the Brazilian colony (Pires, 1991a).

The innovations in Mexican hotel industry date back to the early nineteenth century: in 1825 the first luxury hotel is built - the Hotel Iturbide (Duarte, 1996).

The appearance of the hotel manager, the receptionists, and all the staff, dates back to the beginning of the nineteenth century; therefore, new spatial conceptions for the hotel building arose, adapting to the new services provided (Dias, 2002, p. 104).

The architect Isaiah Rogers (considered an authority on hotel construction), designed in 1829 the so-called "Adam and Eve of the hotel industry", for being the largest and most expensive hotel due to major physical innovations, with private accommodations, single and double rooms (until then hotels had large rooms with many beds); the bedrooms had lockable doors; each had a bowl and jug for personal hygiene (and complimentary soap) and provided a courier to locate guests inside the hotel. These innovations were copied in several American cities, since they all wanted a luxury hotel (Duarte, 1996).

In the middle of the nineteenth century, rural inns emerged as a possibility of escapism (with the motto "return to the countryside") of a tumultuous urban environment, marked by crowds excited by the Industrial Revolution in the cities (Duarte, 1996).

In the second half of the nineteenth century, Cesar Ritz, through his hotel business, created the Italian thermal baths, transforming the small town of Salsomaggiore into a world-famous spa destination (Dias, 1990, p. 40).

Ritz managed to associate the spaces of the hotel with unusual experiences: musical concerts during meals; outdoor entertainment; hotel decoration with natural flowers; he introduced indirect lighting and "sifting" lighting in the wedding room, making the woman more seductive; developed lamps to illuminate the food without overshadowing the members at the table (Dias, 2002, p. 115); introduced cabinets built into the bedrooms (Dias, 1990, p. 40). Ritz placed closets in the rooms of his hotels; proposed an antechamber on a lower level than the dining room at the Carlton Hotel in London, so that women would enter and leave "theatrically" through the necessary staircases as they passed through the different levels (Dias, 2002, p. 111). Also, Ritz provided dining rooms armchairs with purse hooks. For Ritz, the bedding should be lightweight for best washing and the mattresses should have protective covers (Dias, 2002, p. 114) and he included in-suite bathrooms (Andrade et al., 2000, p. 18).

Ritz considered that dealing with people was the greatest virtue for a hotelier (Walker, 2002, p. 21); and he transferred that thought to the value of the hotel's interior space as hospitality. Cesar Ritz not only succeeded as a hotel entrepreneur by "planning" hospitality, but because his planning action drew on voluntary hospitality, a predecessor value as hospitable "sensibility." The word "ritz" (from Cesar Ritz) was included in the English vocabulary and means refinement, luxury, comfort, elegance, and the provision of high quality hotel services (Dias, 2002, p. 105). Cesar Ritz treated his guests very well, knowing in detail their idiosyncrasies, what they liked and what they did not like (Dias, 2002, p. 114).

Petrocchi (2002) points out that the Ritz-Carlton's credo of entrepreneurship, "symbolized" (above all) at the Ritz-Carlton, is that "staying at the Ritz-Carlton sharpens the senses, infuses well-being, and even satisfies the undisclosed desires and needs of our guests." We may now ask if Ritz's attitudes were only geared to making a profit in charging of daily and catering services, or if at any time his "inventiveness" for hotel business was motivated by feelings of genuinely voluntary hospitality. Ritz has created signs for the hotel industry that linger in contemporary hotel industry.

In the mid-twentieth century, after the Second World War, the US economic context was in great development, also because Europe was devastated by the war. American "average citizens" had the means to buy a car; and, in enjoyment of their holidays from work, they traveled with the whole family across the country. Due to the need for stops and overnight stays by the road, motels appeared, altering the conditions of traditional hotels: the automobile tourist chooses scenic roads (parkways), which will be chosen to implement motels (Motels, Hotels, Restaurants and Bars, 1960). It is also noted that the American motel model eliminated the "wait" in the lobbies, excluded the "formality" of the reception service, ended up the parking problems (because the car was comfortably and easily parked next to the bedroom), abolished gratuities (because the guest was independent of the services offered), the rooms were new and with color television, and there was private pool (Dias, 1990, p. 37).

In the 1960s Robert Huyot presented his hotels for "business men". Huyot emphasized the sobriety in the surroundings of the hotel, in accordance with the profile of those clients. Huyot pointed out that the hotel for businessmen had to be "diplomatic", cost-effective, and fit the aesthetic, psychological, and emotional values of the guests (Dias, 1990, p. 42). However, many "businessmen" hotels offered outdoor living areas, something unusuall in corporate hotels (Otto, 2011, p. 3).

In the 1970s, the hotel chains appeared and expanded throughout the world: Days Inn, Super 8 Motels and Comfort Inns, and several hotel companies such as Marriott, Four Seasons, Hyatt, Canadian Pacific, Sheraton, Radisson, Hilton, and Ramada (Walker, 2002, p. 20).

There is a customization of the hotel industry in the 1980's of the twentieth century; art hotels, design hotels, boutique hotels; and, admirably, some Pousadas (historic hotels) in Portugal included the experience of the local cuisine and gastronomy together with the experience of the stay (Oliveira, 2006, p. 62).

In the 1980s, tourist resorts in places considered "exotic" became popular and accessible. The 1990s were marked by recessions in national economies and some wars that reduced tourism revenues; and therefore, the hotel industry organized itself in associations and partnerships in order to maintain or even consolidate (Walker, 2002, p. 20).

From 2000 onward, there is a "new" tourism, often called post-massified and with values related to solidarity and affectivity (cultural and community-based tourism, for example); where tourists, in their search for personal experiences, associate votive values of the "heart" (Petrocchi, 2002, p. 78). In this context, the current hotel industry (as part of the tourism production chain) becomes attached to design, material, and symbolic culture of the place (of space, therefore) (Montaner, 1997).

The "physical appearance" of hotel spaces is usually "remembered" as a memorable image. Memorable images of the hotel "product" are assumed to influence the decision-making when booking is made (Chen, Ekinci, Riley, Yoon, & Tjeiflaat, 2001). Moreover, research on hotel quality has suggested that the internal environment as well as the external environment should be well maintained, clean, and lit (Ladhari, 2012). For example, research conducted at the Hamilton Hotel, in New Zealand demonstrated the relevant role assigned by the guest to the appearance and comfort of the hotel bedroom, also referring to the quality of the furniture in it (Mohsin, 2007).

Local references, often invoking the values of the home, may have goals other than the ideal of home away from home⁶ in contemporary hotels; surveys conducted in China have suggested that domestic scale hotels can help the Chinese (large-scale) hotel industry overcoming difficulties it faces since the late 1990s; given that in saturated housing markets, small hotels ensured the economic cycle (at China national scale) (Gu, 2003).

Recent works have demonstrated the value that the hotel architecture has placed in the insertion of sustainability, automation, and semantic "emotional" contents in the interior spaces of a hotel, contributing to other manifestations of the architecture (Tricárico & Vargas, 2017; Tricárico, Rossini, & Tomelin, 2016; Tricárico, 2016; Oliveira, Tricárico, Velasquez, & Gorski, 2015; Tricárico, Rossini, & Tomelin, 2016a; Tricárico, Rossini, & Tomelin, 2015; Tricárico, 2015; Tricárico, Tomelin, & Rossini, 2014; Tricárico, Oliveira, Rossini, & Miranda, 2013).

It should be noted, therefore, that the documentary approach to hospitality (whether voluntary or commercial) of the space in lodging establishments is effectively characterized by its description in inside spaces, the provision of services and, at most, the architectural scale of the hotel space. Therefore, at no point in the bibliometric "scanning" was the hypothetical relation of this research verified: lodging establishments as a sign and attribute of urban hospitality.

4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

4.1 Hospitality in lodging establishments at the scale of the city

It should be noted that the ability for hospitality can be assigned to the lodging establishments also present in the city and the urban landscape, in addition to its condition systematized until then in spaces internal to the architecture. Such an interpretation will be possible because many of the lodging establishments discussed below were able to be configured as references and urban landmarks, places of and in the city.

Lantos (1977) proposes that grandparents who had never left their small towns or villages, that they were given (along with their grandchildren) a visit to the "big city", also getting to stay in a big hotel; they would be amazed at the arrival in front of the hotel; then they would also be amazed by the luxury and comfort of the hotel building; showing, therefore, that the hotel in the city differs from the other architectures. Thus, Lantos (1977) observed that the cathedrals became "insignificant" compared to hotel buildings.

Hotel buildings have also promoted new "idols" for our cities: Rockefeller, Hilton, and Meliá - given the symbolic content of hotels in the urban image and landscape; marking urban places. Even because large hotels are built in places of reference and noble parts within cities, as well as government headquarters, churches, barracks, banks, among others (Buarraj, 2004).

Cesar Ritz, at the end of the nineteenth century, chose the place of his hotels near a central square, in an exquisite neighborhood with perfumeries, jewelers, and haute couture studios (Dias, 2002, p. 113); i.e., urban uses that "sharpened" senses: smell of perfumeries or the glitter of shop-windows, in an “animated” city ready for shopping. For Ritz, "beautiful" things in the urban environment, when exposed, made the guests' path more pleasant on their return to the hotel, or even leaving the hotel, preserving a memorable urban image (Dias, 2002, p. 119).

The adequate location of a hotel in the city is condensed in the "principle" of the hotelier Conrad Hilton. For Hilton, there are three essential conditions for hotel success: the first, is location; the second, is location; and third, is location (Dias, 2002, p. 113).

American cities became known throughout the world for, not to mention the identity content for their citizens, the urban image that palace-hotels have built up over time. That is the case, for example, of Chicago through the Hotel Palmer House; or of New Orleans with the Saint Charles and Saint Louis hotels; Saint Louis with Planter's Hotel; the Hotel del Coronado in San Diego (which is also a historical landmark). Other North American cities, such as Washington and Buffalo, relied on the extravagance and opulence of hotel edification as city symbols (Walker, 2002, p. 14).

It should also be noted that large American hotels represented the typical American "love" for grandeur; according to Donzel (1989), hotels are one of the few places where American society feels more comfortable for having social life, with "urbanity", and living with civilizing experiences in the "public" sphere; undoubtedly, these are "private" spaces only from a legal perspective (Donzel, 1989, p. 8).

It should be noted that the monumentality of the great American hotel was accompanied by the revolutions of the constructive techniques of that time, properly appropriated by the hotel architecture - the skyscraper and the elevator to climb so many stories - promoting a "frightening" sight of the Manhattan skyline to tourists arriving by sea or from the bridges connecting the mainland to the island (Donzel, 1989, p. 11).

Among New York skyscrapers, the Royal Hawaiian Hotel's pink dome sparkled like a "jewel" in the bluish sky, considered to be one of the last "bastions" of the eloquent North American exotic fantasy (Donzel, 1989, p. 185).

The prominence of the big American hotel is also explained by the fact that it has introduced new urban services: the Fairmont Hotel in Yosemite Valley, California, USA, inaugurated in 1939 a lounge bar on the 20th floor of the building, offering a panoramic and unusual view of the city (Donzel, 1989, p. 35).

The symbolic value in the city of the big American hotel can also be expressed through Oscar-winning films; because Hollywood filmmakers identified the "grandeur" of those hotels, that represented in movies created a sign of identity for many Americans (Donzel, 1989, p. 37).

Also, the example of Disney hotels stands out, especially those designed by Michel Graves, with facades built with facetious elements, providing joy and fun to passers-by and guests on the street.

The relationship that a hotel should have with the street can denote the condition of urban hospitality: the hotel lobby can provide access through a public street, while at the same time guaranteeing the circulation of guests inside the hotel (Andrade et al., 2000, p. 125).

Collective use environments for socialization appeared contemporaneously in design hotels, integrating guests, hotel, and the city (Otto, 2011, p. 3).

Tricárico and Gastaldi (2015) demonstrated that along the beach of Copacabana, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, the presence of the hotels become a reference of places along the bay and seafront essentially and "constantly" marked by the vision of the horizon of the "sea line" and sand of the beach.

The monumental character of the hotel building vis-à-vis other architectures in the city is made by unusual architectonic forms elaborated by "design" architects or even linked to fashion brands, such as Bulgari, Armani, and Camper; and the provision of services is not only for travelers, but for local citizens (Spolon, 2011, p. 175). Within this logic of contemporary hotel industry, one can name the Sofitel So Bangkok, "designed" by Christian Lacroix, or the Sofitel So Mauritius, "designed" by Kenzo (Revista O Globo, 2013, p. 66).

Within the Brazilian urban landscape, the motel acquired a sense of identity typology that ended up configuring a characteristic "icon" in the urban landscape, sometimes jocular in the image of the city, but that "livens up" the urban environment:

The style of these motels presents an equally varied range of options. We find replicas of medieval castles, Egyptian and Mesopotamian constructions, buildings with modern structures painted in gaudy colors or covered with 'luxurious' materials such as marble, granite, etc., the presence of murals with erotic allusions or small chalets separated from each other composing a bucolic landscape (...). Another element that would reinforce the 'sexual appeal' would be the logo or 'brand' of the establishment: bitten apple, kitten, mermaid, etc." (Cavalcanti & Guimaraens, 1982, p. 64)

Many Brazilian motels are already choosing layouts and typologies that verticalize the bedrooms, leaving the ground floor for car parking and the upper level for bedrooms. This logic in the choice of typology also made it possible to open views to the outside without taking away the privacy of the occupants; thus, some Rio motels can use the bedroom view to promote their venture: "panoramic view of the mountains of Barra" and "views of the mountains and Pedra da Gávea" (Cavalcanti & Guimaraens, 1982, p. 89).

Hotels may represent a nation (Figure 1); may also represent a city, such as the Grande Hotel Petrópolis in Petrópolis, RJ; the Palace Casino Hotel in Poços de Caldas, MG; the Renar Hotel in Friburgo, SC; the Palace Hotel of Caxambu, MG; the Copacabana Palace Hotel in Rio e Janeiro, RJ (Figure 2) (Tricárico & Gastaldi, 2015).

Figure 1
Image of the Burj Al-Arab Hotel as tourism promotion of the United Arab Emirates

Figure 2
Postcard of the city of Rio de Janeiro depicting the Copacabana Palace Hotel

Therefore, the examples listed above configure image references while architectures in urban space (urban landmarks), attributes of form, and meaning found in the image of the city. For McNeil (2008), hotels have been increasingly structuring elements of urban space, both as a landmark, and as elements of urban restructuring strategies.

Grinover (2006) draws on the work of Lynch (2010) to explain that city space can be loaded with hospitality: "These concepts developed by Kevin Lynch (1996) allow us to rescue these analyses, still current. Kevin Lynch considered a city or territory readable when neighborhoods, landmarks or roads could be easily recognizable (...)" (Grinover, 2006, p. 42; emphasis added).

An urban landmark is according to Kevin Lynch a: "(...) reference point, but in this case, they are external (...). Generally, constructed elements, exceptional buildings (...) all endowed with a particular form that facilitates their identification. They may be within or near the city, at a distance that symbolizes a steady direction (...) " (César, Tronca, & Mattana, 2017).

In this sense, the lodging establishments enhance the perception of the urban environment, they are factors for a more hospitable city (Grinover, 2003, p. 35):

(...) the city becomes more hospitable to the extent that the user "reads" it more easily and its constituent elements are perceived and interpreted without great efforts (...) the striking elements of the urban landscape are studied, those that present specificities, that is, singular features that, in turn, are particular points specific to the landscape that differentiate and characterize the urban space being studied. This seems to be a fundamental point of the characteristics of hospitality, since it lives, in part, on the specificities of places. (Grinover, 2003, p. 35)

According to Grinover (2007), hospitality is a "gift" of space loaded by the signs of accessibility, readability, and identity (Grinover, 2007, p. 123) - hence those attributes (also) already systematized by Kevin Lynch (2010) in urban theory.

It should also be noted that the analysis categories identified by Lucio Grinover (2007) are also related to Raffestin's (1997) hospitality theories.

The representation of places through lodging establishments can also occur at the scale of a neighborhood identity. To explain and exemplify such a condition, the work of Jane Jacobs (2003) is recurrent. According to Jacobs (2003), a legible territory as a neighborhood within a city must include a significant percentage of old buildings of different ages and varying conservation states. Areas predominantly with new constructions are unattractive to the identity experience of places built over time; then these areas will have no movement of people and consequently will be of little use from the point of view of street trade, for example.

The increasing construction costs are proportional to the demand for old buildings, since rents are lower in devalued buildings compared to those that have not yet paid the capital invested. Many of the companies that became profitable would not have grown if they had not found a low-cost space in "old" and consolidated urban fabrics. In this context, hotel companies with low levels of initial investment, especially those targeted at the lower-income public (hostels and budget hotels, for example) can find in consolidated urban fabrics adequate infrastructure, while at the same time have in old buildings a good support for their facilities.

Hence, Jacobs (2003) suggests that the success of a neighborhood is linked with the diversity of period styles buildings, as well as the action of time on them. The urban space needs a mixture of old buildings to promote the diversity (including social) inherent to the city. Many of the old buildings, if well distributed, become essential. This ideal of aesthetic diversity accumulated with buildings over time is in line with Camargo's (2015) propositions about the condition of urban hospitality, coupled with a process that inevitably includes people, in a condition for the "seeing and being seen". However, if there are people, it is because there is also an offer of services (including catering services allied to the hotel industry), meaning, on the other hand, the condition of urban hospitality as understood by Latham (2003) and Bell (2007) from restaurants, services, and commerce in neighborhoods.

Based on these theoretical considerations, it is possible to list lodging establishments and catering services - essentially low-cost for guests - in the neighborhoods of Palermo and San Telmo, Buenos Aires, Argentina - are the hostels and even design hotels (Figure 3) which "shelter" themselves in old buildings - and therefore also become an attraction for a specific audience that seeks them or simply roam through those neighborhoods. This empirical condition is also in line with Kevin Lynch's (2010) urban theory (related to urban hospitality theories by Lucio Grinover (2003, 2006, 2007) about urban image and landscape: the readability of Palermo and San Telmo neighborhoods is shaped by the possibility of a "readable grouping" of the various hotels that occupied old buildings.

Also, following Lynch (2010), it is considered that the hotels originate landmarks in the urban fabric (references of "places" in the identity of the city); by its peculiar characteristics: proportion and scale of the monumental building in relation to the other buildings in the city; color details, night lighting and "flashy" finishes; implantation of the hotel building next to the street, creating accesses and suggestions of collective use for ballrooms and hotel restaurants.

The identity character of the hotels as places of and in the city, corresponds to the notion of places of hospitality at the urban scale (Baptista, 2002, 2005, 2008, Salles, Bueno, & Bastos, 2014, Stefanelli & Bastos, 2016, Stefanelli, 2015).

The old buildings of Palermo and San Telmo not only go through a "built patrimony" bias of the aesthetically chosen asset, but concentrate an affective part of the daily life (memory of ancestors, material memory of the place, architectural styles "pleasant" to different architectural tastes), as well as the possibility of economic development (generation of employment and income for the local population in hotel and restaurant services). The confrontation of the local population (whether direct service provider or passer-by citizen or resident of the neighborhood) with the tourist, exposes the proposal of urban hospitality proposed by Severini (2014): social relation between visitor and visited, supported by the various spaces of the city, be they public or even deprived of collective use (hotels and restaurants, for example).

Figure 3
Sequence of images of lodging establishment entrances in old buildings in Palermo, Buenos Aires, Argentina

Severini's proposition (2014) is in line with Mauss's (1974) theories that urban hospitality is understood as a "total" social fact because it mixes the "social" differences in a spatial support, including the other stranger (a tourist, perhaps). And they fit the three categories of Dumazedier (1980) to explain the existence of urban hospitality: rest, fun, and development, minimizing everyday problems in the city (Sagi, 2008).

Studies about the concept of urban from the image of the city contributed at the same time to the notion of urban hospitality within the scope of tourism studies; this can be verified in the works of Latin American researchers such as Roberto Boullón (2000) and Lucio Grinover (2006, 2007). For them, the "stranger" feels welcome, well received, knows where to go (readability), finds what he or she is looking for, walks carefree gazing around without getting lost - because there is an image of a city that creates a readable information about the urban space and its architectures - this information is an expression of urban hospitality: choice of urban itineraries that go beyond the speed of the displacement, but "also by the 'emotional flow' that is released when I pass through these streets" (Grinover, 2007, p. 146). Such condition is essential for tourism, since it is through public roads that tourists travel to city destinations.

5 FINAL CONSIDERATIONS

We can notice based on the literature that there is a linkage between the term hospitality and the lodging establishments and, particularly, in inside spaces and services in hotels; however, it can be inferred that there is a hospitality of lodgings while urban, city, and landscape comprehensiveness, that up to this time the literature has not yet addressed. In other words, the hypothesis of this research is confirmed, by demonstrating, through Grinover's (2003, 2006, 2007) studies, that lodging establisments can constitute an urban landmark (Lynch, 2010) and, as such, are endowed of readability in urban environment - attribute and sign of urban hospitality.

The methodology adopted, based on exploratory and descriptive research, was convenient in this case, since it is a first moment of inference about the hypothesis raised. It is thought, therefore, that further research can unfold in a systematization of lodgings (also) as a sign of urban hospitality.

Thus, from a methodological perspective, the categories and models of Kevin Lynch (theoretical framework of Lucio Grinover's urban hospitality propositions) could be applied to tourists and citizens in destinations that hypothetically have a considerable number of hotels - these are mental maps - that "measure" the frequency of citations of lodging buildings in "interviews" through drawings, whether or not they are urban landmarks actually “drew” to the point of identifying such lodging establishments as urban landmarks.

In other words, this manifestation of city and urban hospitality through lodging establishments is made through other categories of analysis (such as Kevin Lynch’s urban theory), not necessarily specific to current hospitality studies. With this, we try to emphasize the contents of city hospitality, in view of the need for more theoretical evidences constructed by an epistemology of urban hospitality.

In this sense, from the point of view of an epistemology for urban hospitality, studies must also examine the role of space as a contributor, since research is being done essentially on the social value that hospitality has in its definitions and contents. The role that space can play in an explanation for the phenomenon of hospitality, like the disciplines of geography or urbanism have already done it from the ideal of a socio-spatial dialectic (Soja, 1993; Lefebvre, 1991).

In any case, the verification of spatial contents as an attribute of urban hospitality through lodging establishments can unfold in the enhancement of city tourist destinations and of the urban and tourist space. Thus, one can conclude that the quality of a city as a tourist destination can also come from the quantity and quality of its lodging establishments while urban image and landscape.

Being the city, as an urban image and landscape, "exposed" to all (whether citizens or tourists) and, therefore, without "charging" for it; endowed with lodging buildings that offer identity, symbolism, hospitality; one can then think of an ideal that there is genuine hospitality (and not only "commercial") of these buildings.

If the image of the destination and the perception of the destination's hospitality is the hotel, then many hotels can be the destination itself; thus, the perception of destination image based on hotels can also broaden a cognitive understanding of the tourist in the choice of the city destination. In this perspective, tourist planners and managers can draw on the identification of the hotel industry as image of city, while endowed with urban hospitality.

If the hotel is an attribute of urban hospitality, one must overcome the assumption that it has always been historically destined to welcome people, to provide shelter, food, and leisure; the hotel can also promote relations of belonging and identity from its urban image. Therefore, even the forms of land-based classification, essentially based on the internal information and services offered by the hotel, can be enhanced with the urban image values that a hotel can provide to the destination.

It can be interpreted that tourism incentives, considering the hotel chain as part of it, could offer more lodging establishments to a tourist destination; if a lodging building is an urban landmark condition, then it would "provide" the city with references of urban hospitality. That is, even if the lodging company is a private initiative, it could, on the other hand, offer a better urban image and landscape quality and, making the destination "loaded" with urban hospitality - a public benefit - both for tourists as for local citizens. Therefore, we infer that there is a process of mutual feedback between the private sector of lodgings and the public quality of the image of the destination (hypothetically) hospitable, "aligned" and intended by the motto of the lodging establishment.

The limits of this research were those that motivated it: the gap in the literature addressing the role of hospitality at the scale of the city and urban landscape through lodging establishments.

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• 1
  This article is part of a research funded by CNPq (the Brazilian Council for Scientific and Technological Development).

• 5
  According to Raffestin (2013) the idea of hospitality arose in Antiquity, appearing in Homer and Herodotus’s texts; the ideal of hospitality in Homer’s Odyssey was understood as the responsibility of the noble households, with an emphasis on the welfare of the guest and the host; and the latter earns prestige and respect before the community to which he belongs. Hospitality was also recorded in Judaism and later in Christianity in the form of law. The hospitality is embedded in the culture, although renewed in different times; but today it is essentially associated with the notion of receptivity and hosting (Raffestin, 2013, p. 167), thus involving subjects; which (inevitably) calls for studies of social nature.

• 6
  Regarding the concept of home away from home, see the study by Célia Maria de Moraes Dias (1990), listed in the end if this article in the references.

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  Jan-Apr 2018

History

• Received
  03 Sept 2017
• Accepted
  26 Oct 2017