Mapping of government actions on the insertion and permanence of the LGBT population at work

Abstract

Introduction

It is important to discuss the relationship between the LGBT population, work and government responsibilities regarding insertions and permanence in this activity, since in capitalist society work is the fundamental link between people, their life projects and their participation Social.

Objective

To map actions and/or practices on electronic addresses controlled by the Brazilian State that had as their main objective the insertion/permanence of LGBT people at work.

Methods

This is an exploratory, qualitative and documentary study.

Results

90 actions returned, the majority concentrated in the year 2022 and in the Northeast region of Brazil. The actions were related to informal work, and it was not possible to state that they guarantee insertion/permanence in work. It is considered that governments must form partnerships with public and private companies and the third sector, holding them accountable, standardizing and guaranteeing insertion/permanence.

Conclusion

Historical reparation is needed, reducing exclusion, prejudice and violence against the LGBT community. In this way, it is pointed out that there are still many complex challenges for the social participation of this population, considering inclusion through work.

Keywords:
Working Conditions; Gender Studies; Work; Sexuality

Resumo

Introdução

É importante discutir sobre a relação entre a população LGBT, o trabalho e as responsabilidades governamentais acerca das inserções e permanências nesta atividade, uma vez que na sociedade capitalista o trabalho é o elo fundamental entre as pessoas, seus projetos de vida e sua participação social.

Objetivo

Mapear ações e/ou práticas em endereços eletrônicos controlados pelo Estado brasileiro que tinham como objetivo principal a inserção/permanência de pessoas LGBT no trabalho.

Métodos

Trata-se de um estudo exploratório, qualitativo e documental.

Resultados

Retornaram 90 ações, a maioria concentrada no ano de 2022 e na região Nordeste do Brasil. As ações estavam relacionadas ao trabalho informal e não foi possível afirmar que estas garantem a inserção/permanência no trabalho. Considera-se que os governos devem realizar parcerias com empresas públicas, privadas e com o terceiro setor, responsabilizando-os, normatizando e garantindo a inserção/permanência.

Conclusão

É preciso uma reparação histórica, diminuição da exclusão, do preconceito e das violências contra a comunidade LGBT. Desta forma, aponta-se que ainda estão colocados muitos e complexos desafios para a participação social desta população, considerando a inclusão por meio do trabalho.

Palavras-chave:
Condições de Trabalho; Estudos de Gênero; Trabalho; Sexualidade

Introduction

Considering the theme of this work, it is important to first clarify the understandings of gender, sexuality and sex considered in this research. These concepts are crucial for analyzing the social logics and reasons for discrimination, violence and exclusion of the LGBT community, which help to justify the preparation of this research.

It is understood that gender, the first concept mentioned, refers to the cultural constructions of societies, such as characteristics considered feminine and masculine, related to the way the subject presents himself socially. The concept of sexuality is specifically linked to the affective-sexual attraction of a subject for another subject(s), which is linked to sexual orientation. Although the conception of sex refers to biology and genetics and is mainly related to the genitalia that a subject is born with (Heilborn & Rodrigues, 2018), the current biological understanding of sex (and the existence of only two sexes) is not consensual, and goes through a construction that we consider here as sociocultural, with a strong influence from Western medicine and conservatism.

These understandings directly impact the ways in which individuals identify themselves, have access to rights and relate to each other. People who are not in line with what is expected by society in terms of sex, gender and sexuality suffer reprisals of different types. Socially, there is a linearity that must be presented between sex, gender and sexuality, considered “appropriate” (sex on par with gender, and sexuality directed at the opposite sex).

Establishing that there are differences between sex and gender, and considering that people belonging to one sex can self-identify with genders considered “opposite” or belong to sexual orientations that are not limited to relationships with people of different sexes presupposes an expressed theoretical and political choice in this research, aimed at criticizing patriarchal and sexist society, compulsory heterosexuality, heteronormativity, conservatism and religious fundamentalism. These possibilities of theoretical differentiation were important tools, including the struggles surrounding women's rights (Heilborn & Rodrigues, 2018), which supported the struggle of the LGBT community.

The LGBT community¹ (lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transsexuals), or gender and sexuality dissident population, the target audience of this research, groups people who do not necessarily present a “linearity” between the concepts mentioned. Brazil continues to be the world champion in homicides against gender and sexuality dissident populations, and violence can be physical, psychological, sexual and related to negligence on the part of an organization or social institution, which can make social participation unfeasible (Cabral et al., 2013).

Even though LGBT-phobic violence is currently being analyzed in Brazil as a crime (specifically classified as a crime of racism), these crimes are underreported, and this population is often neglected by the State in various sectors (Junqueira et al., 2020). This exclusion prevents the development of dignified life trajectories and limits access to rights, such as decent, safe, valued and well-paid work.

From the perspective of Ozeren (2014), the LGBT community continues to face a succession of challenges in different dimensions of life, such as health and social participation. In the workplace, these people experience exclusion, fear of being fired, or suffering oppression and embarrassment.

Institutional LGBTphobia is a concept that refers to actions of omission or discriminatory practices on the part of institutions. Institutional LGBTphobia is something that commonly occurs during the work of individuals from the LGBT community. Considering the importance of this activity in a society governed by capitalist rationality, this is a problem that must be analyzed (Brasil, 2017).

Discrimination based on gender identity or sexual orientation is not only harmful to the individual who suffers it, but also to the organization of which they are part, which may lose qualified labor. The State is understood as a protagonist in the processes of monitoring and regulating social participation and inclusion in the work of all people and must act together with the actors responsible for generating job vacancies.

The previous Ministry of Human Rights, implemented by a government considered progressive, was extinguished in 2019 by an extreme right-wing government, led at the time by politician Jair Messias Bolsonaro. This made clear a paradigm shift between governments and a setback for the LGBT population. The former president expressed himself violently against the LGBT community, indigenous people, black people and women. Added to this, the advancement of political reforms in that government imposed challenges to social security and labor rights.

Recently, Brazil democratically elected a government with a left-wing political stance, and new advances are expected. Leaders of social movements, such as the LGBT movement, have already expressed themselves publicly saying that they welcome this change, as it is the role of managers and the entire organizational body to change a current situation that does not prioritize the LGBT community.

Therefore, it is important to discuss the LGBT population and work in Brazil, and the role that the State has been playing in integration and permanence processes. This reflection is based on the understanding that in capitalist society, work is the fundamental link between people (Antunes, 2010), including their life projects and their social participation.

Problems with work, including insertion and retention in this activity, invade the public and private, individual and collective spheres. Their problems even lead to physical and mental health problems. In adult life, work is the main occupation/human activity carried out by people. Academically and socially, the feasibility of research is justified since recent political, social and economic changes make it of academic interest to carry out a current, broad search based on sources fed by the rulers themselves and their leadership groups.

Objective

The objective of this work was to map actions and/or practices in electronic addresses controlled by the Brazilian State (specifically municipal governments of the capitals of Brazilian states, states, their secretariats, departments and coordinators) that have as their main objective the insertion or permanence of LGBT people in the business market.

Method

This is an exploratory and descriptive research, of a documentary type, which used public data, that is, secondary data. Considering the discussions made, the study is aligned with the objectives of research with qualitative approaches. Regarding the use of secondary data, it is reported that Souza & Helal (2016) have already used the same form of collection to carry out research on government actions with the LGBT community, pointing out advances and challenges.

As a resource for collecting research data and information, a matrix table was created. Collection began in November 2022 and ended in January 2023. Table 1 explains the items that were included:

Table 1
Search items.

Region

State

Organ

Link

Date

Current (Yes/ No)

Type

Name

Year

Public

Quantity

• Source: Elaborated by the authors.

The data was collected on the official public websites of all Brazilian federative units, which include states and the Federal District, as well as on the official websites of the city halls of their capitals. Practices were sought (actions, projects, courses, events, training and services) that were aimed at the insertion/permanence of LGBT people at work. The collection was carried out without date filter. Table 2 explains the search steps.

Table 2
Description of the search steps.

Step	Description of steps
Step 1	Access to the Google search platform and subsequently to the government websites of all Brazilian federative units, which include states and the Federal District, as well as the city halls of their respective capitals.
Step 2	Search in the search tab available on the websites home page, using only the keywords: Work, LGBT, actions, courses, training and income generation (one at a time).
Step 3	Failure to obtain data in the websites' search tab generated a new search, which was carried out manually through the “news” menu on each of the official websites.
Step 4	Failure to obtain data in the news menu led to a search in the secretariats, coordinators and other options tabs, in order to exhaust the access links to the websites and increase the chances of finding the practices.
Step 5	All actions that were found were analyzed individually.
Step 6	After reading about what each practice described on the websites would be, those that responded to the research objective were included and those actions that did not specifically refer to the insertion/permanence in the work of the LGBT community were excluded.
Step 7	The actions that corresponded to the objective of this research had their data attached to the matrix table and were integrated into the study reflections.

• Source: Elaborated by the authors.

The data obtained was analyzed both descriptively, in relation to the numbers obtained in the analysis (number of actions by region, by state and number of municipal actions, among others), and through reflective analysis themes, as Souza & Helal did (2016).

The three themes of reflection were defined afterwards. Inferences were established between the data and theoretical references used in this research. For the discussion about the LGBT community, postmodern references were used, which place sex, gender and sexuality as social and cultural constructions. For the analyzes of the field of work, theoretical bases were used that criticize capitalism and its movements of precariousness, especially studies of the sociology of work based on analyzes that privilege historical and dialectical materialism as a theory and method of economic, political and social transformation.

Results

Next, a quick response code (QR Code) will be presented in Figure 1, which contains the data collected and inserted into the matrix table. The presentation in the form of a QR Code is due to the size and extension of the table that contains the collected data. This data exposure strategy has already been used in the study by Mazaro et al. (2021). This has been a strategy adopted by authors who carry out studies that generate large amounts of data. Considering the importance of exposing data to readers and understanding that the exposure of this data is often incompatible with the format of scientific journals, it is noted that the quick response code is a possible tool to make clear the process of preparing the discussion of qualitative research.

Figure 1
Access to the results board via QR Code.

In order to preliminarily describe the table of results obtained, it is clear that it was developed and divided into 11 items, the first being the Brazilian regions (North, Northeast, Central-West, Southeast and South), the second being the Brazilian states (Acre, Amapá, Amazonas, Pará, Rondônia, Roraima, Tocantins, Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Maranhão, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Norte, Sergipe, Distrito Federal, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Espírito Santo, Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Paraná, Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina), the third the bodies responsible for the type of action, the fourth the links of the actions found, the fifth the access date of the collection, the sixth whether the action is in force or not, the seventh what is the characterization of the actions (Conference, Plan, Income generation, Meeting, Event, Courses, Training, Financing, Qualification, Ceremony, Network, Production, Service, Meeting, Lecture, Action, Project, Seminar, Workshop and/or Program), the eighth the name of the action, the ninth the year of creation or beginning of the action in question, the tenth the target audience (within the LGBT acronym) and the eleventh item was the number of people covered by the action or how much it reached. When not informed by the website, the items were not filled in on the table.

According to the data, 90 actions in total returned from the searches. It is mentioned that the year 2022 had the highest number of actions (22 actions). Of these, 31 refer to courses, 11 events, 9 projects, 8 services, 4 actions, 4 workshops, 4 meetings, 3 conferences, 3 programs, 2 training, 2 qualifications, 1 plan, 2 for income generation and financing, 1 ceremony, 1 network, 1 production, 1 meeting, 1 lecture, 1 seminar, 1 tool. Furthermore, it was observed that 32 actions were in force on the date of collection, 27 were no longer active and 31 actions did not contain information about their progress.

In the division by region, the North region delivered 16 mapped actions. The shares were subdivided between specifically the states: Acre (three shares), Amapá (five shares), Amazonas (three shares), Pará (four shares).

In the Northeast region, 47 actions were found, proving to be the region with the most actions among its states. Practices were found in Alagoas (one action), Bahia (five actions), Ceará (eight actions), Maranhão (two actions), Paraíba (10 actions), Pernambuco (nine actions), Piauí (four actions), Rio Grande do Norte (three actions) and Sergipe (five actions).

In the Central-West region, only six actions were found in total in the following states: Mato Grosso (four actions) and Mato Grosso do Sul (two actions). Collecting data from the Southeast region, 12 actions were found between the states of Espírito Santo (four actions), Minas Gerais (one action), Rio de Janeiro (two actions) and São Paulo (five actions). Finally, in the South region, a total of nine actions were identified on the sites, which appear in the states of Paraná (one action) and Rio Grande do Sul (eight actions). In Distrito Federal, no action was found available for consultation during the collection period of this study.

Considering the relationship between the descriptive data obtained through the table and the theoretical framework adopted for this research, three reflective themes were created, developed in the discussion topic below. The descriptive data are discussed alongside these themes, as they generated and have a direct influence on the reflections made based on the theoretical basis of this research.

Discussion

1. Currently, do government agents guarantee insertion and permanence?

Most of the actions mapped were courses, events, projects and services. It was not possible to affirm, through the data, that actions like these necessarily guarantee insertion and retention in job vacancies, since this also occurs through the elaboration of policies, laws and State supervision of these policies and laws. The processes of exclusion experienced by the LGBT population make the processes of insertion and retention at work effective through actions that enable the offer of job vacancies. In a capitalist economic system that profits from non-rights, these actions must be standardized and constantly monitored by public authorities.

As Pinheiro & Soares (2020) point out, the discourse guided by the Brazilian Federal Government over the last four years aimed to minimize problems facing some vulnerable social groups, such as the LGBT population. These narratives consider it unnecessary to promote support for social policies or the creation/expansion of quota programs aimed at historical and social reparation.

The actions from the period of 2022, the year that presented the greatest results in quantitative terms, cannot be considered as effective for insertion into work. During this period, only four actions effectively addressed the existence of job vacancies for the LGBT population (and other vulnerable populations), such as the creation of a forum, two projects and a program, all designed within the scope of municipal governments. and state and not necessarily in conjunction with the federal government.

It was observed that the actions found were not exclusive to the LGBT population, which could even complicate the process of developing strategies that look at the specific needs of this population. Furthermore, most of the actions in 2022 were courses/events/lectures, which, in addition to not guaranteeing the existence of work, reinforce the stereotype of this group.

The existence of professional hairdressing or manicure courses strengthens the preconceived idea in society that this community is always linked to work socially understood as feminine. This idea can even strengthen the narrative that the technical and intellectual capacity of homosexual individuals is limited to perform other functions (Coimbra, 2011). Even though the aforementioned work should not be discriminated against, or even though there is a desire for LGBT people to carry out training on this topic, it should be pointed out that within a sexist and conservative social structure there is a fine line between desire and lack of option. This is a problem regarding the world of work that must be carefully analyzed.

Thus, the important number of actions carried out in 2022 does not exclude the existence of setbacks related to the federal government's speeches that occurred at this time. Regardless of the number of actions, the description of these actions can be directly linked to the Brazilian political scenario of recent years, mentioned above.

Of the 90 actions, training and qualifications, courses, projects and programs, workshops and events were identified, aiming to promote the inclusion of the LGBT population in work, offering actions that generated resources so that the population could have an income. Most actions of this type focused on the development of autonomous/informal work and/or training for activities considered socially feminine, as mentioned previously (hairdresser, beautician, manicure and pedicure, makeup, cooking, eyebrow design, embroidery and crafts). In smaller numbers, training was found in sales, entrepreneurship, tire repair, barbering, oral and written communication, financial education and language courses.

According to Leite (2011), society is intertwined with a dynamic of social lack of protection, resulting from structural unemployment and increased poverty and vulnerabilities. In other words, issues of violence against populations considered socially excluded in Brazil are added to the experience of unemployment, the withdrawal of labor rights and the dismantling of labor insertion and social protection policies in general, for the entire population.

Quotas, a controversial example of guaranteeing job insertion, link the idea of ​​an ideology of social reparation, through a movement that promotes change in gender, age, ethnic and sexuality inequality. However, it is emphasized that it is necessary to look at the problem of social vulnerability and class struggle, so that social problems are not completely detached from a totality, which is not necessarily restricted to gender and sexual issues. However, it is noteworthy that resistance from the civilian population regarding quotas and access to work has always existed, regardless of political or partisan positioning.

From Leite's perspective (Leite, 2011), social programs and social policies already created in previous decades and aimed at socially vulnerable populations must be continued. Along with these policies, the issue of guaranteeing access to work, in all areas, must be considered urgent.

According to Batalha (2014), the act of discrimination and violence against LGBT people in the workplace is related to heteronormative and sexist behavior and mentality on the part of service providers, as there is no data that indicates that sexual orientation or gender identity are factors that influence productivity and work ability. Silva & Luna (2019) mention that transsexuals face greater difficulties in getting into work than people belonging to other identities and sexualities of the LGBT acronym.

In research published in 2020 by the National Association of Transvestites and Transsexuals (Associação Nacional de Travestis e Transexuais, 2020), around 90% of this population is involved in prostitution, earning income from this activity, something that is directly linked to the culture of exclusion, already mentioned, and the lack of right to formalized work.

As presented in the ANTRA bulletin, a major difficulty faced by the LGBT population, which brings challenges to their insertion and permanence in the job market, is family and social rejection, abandonment of studies due to the lack of preparation of institutions and/or motivation (which culminates in low education) and, consequently, difficulty in entering the formal job market, leading these individuals to resort to prostitution, an informal activity that, even if there is no intention of moralizing it, is understood to in Brazil it constitutes a high-risk work activity.

Cleonice Araújo, transsexual and coordinator of the Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) Construindo Igualdade, contributed with her experience about entering the job market during her interview with Canal Futura, published on August 11, 2017. In the interview, posted by the respective video “The LGBT community still suffers prejudice in the job market”, Cleonice Araújo reports that “she searched for vacancies and to be hired, but everyone closed their doors and did not give her an opportunity because of her gender identity”. Faced with all the prejudice, discrimination and need to earn income, she decided to invest in her own company.

It is necessary to criticize the terms “self-employed” or “entrepreneurial” work, especially when analyzing vulnerable populations that undergo this type of work. Although this occupation is an alternative for some, especially in a society of unemployment, it lacks rights and social protection, and is always defended by neoliberal governments and large contractors.

Citing Souza & Lussi (2022), the so-called “industrial reserve army”, a residual population that was not absorbed in any phase of capitalism, continues not to be incorporated into formal work systems and, in this way, continues to experience work permeated by “not right.” “Independent” work, which in the case of vulnerable populations we also identify as informalized work, was incorporated into capitalism as cheap labor, since this system works through informality and worker exploitation.

Therefore, one must look carefully at speeches that encourage the proliferation of these works. The idea that the worker “is free, decides their own future and, therefore, is responsible for their failures and their own work opportunities” (Souza & Lussi, 2022, p. 5) must be relativized when we discuss populations who have historically always experienced the lack of rights and problems related to social participation. Therefore, it is necessary to invest in policies to encourage insertion and permanence in formalized work and even in more collective initiatives. One can even invest in financing for the creation of cooperatives, for example, where formal organizations that seek legal guarantees for all members and try to overcome exploitative relationships based on power and economic hierarchies are created (Webering, 2020).

Siqueira (2015), dealing with the difficulties of other subjects belonging to the LGBT acronym, mentions that it is normal for homosexuals to avoid talking about their sexual orientation in the workplace to try to minimize prejudice due to the fear of losing their job. According to Out Now Global, only 36% of the LGBT population talk about their sexual orientation in the workplace. This population encounters several situations of social exclusion, as their capabilities, skills and knowledge are not prioritized, something that, again, means that this population is left with informal work.

Based on the understanding of academic studies and data from this research, a problematic situation has emerged: if, on the one hand, several actions were mapped that claim to be aimed at inserting this population into work, on the other hand, there is no legal means to guarantee work for this population and historically repair the entire experience of exclusion suffered throughout history. Furthermore, it is important to mention that, in addition to the inclusion of segmentary groups, it is necessary to think about strategies that reduce social inequality, facilitating access to decent, fair and well-paid work.

Access to work must be guaranteed by the State, aiming to minimize inequalities, guarantee rights and social participation. Caumo & Calazans (2018) report that the Public Administration of Brazil must implement, guarantee and promote fundamental rights for all Brazilian citizens. To this end, it is necessary to implement practical actions, such as laws, projects, programs and policies that truly prioritize the guarantee of these rights.

According to Barbosa (2009), from the perspective of achieving equality rights and access to opportunities, it is clear that these cannot be implemented without the direct participation of the State, as it has the duty to transform inequalities into opportunities. In current times, work means more than the possibility of obtaining the minimum to live, but symbolizes personal fulfillment, through the satisfaction of consuming goods and services made available to the individual in a capitalist system. Work also represents a factor of integration with others, and the possibility of psychic and emotional balance through awareness of social utility.

In recent decades, labor struggles have gained strength and some rights have been won. However, more recently, a series of labor and social security reforms have taken place in recent years, setting back some of the rights already achieved. Such setbacks made it even more difficult for the LGBT population to enter the job market. With the advancement of precarious work, activities relegated to informality and the impediment of participation in formal work relationships, the LGBT population is subject to accepting available vacancies, the majority of which involve super-exploitation and even prostitution, without any social security. and long-term bond.

Around 90% of the population of transvestites and trans women engaged in prostitution as a means of ensuring an income, an activity that presents several dangers, highlighting the low life expectancy of this population in Brazil. The National Association of Transvestites and Transsexuals (ANTRA) estimates that approximately 90% of transvestites and transgender women in Brazil are involved in prostitution. This activity does not have labor guarantees in the country. The portion that manages to escape this rule is concentrated in other “autonomous” or informal jobs, which are recognized as precarious (telemarketing and beauty salons) (Associação Nacional de Travestis e Transexuais, 2020).

However, even if the risk present in this activity is confirmed, another aspect of the insertion of trans women into prostitution must be considered. Given the different social exclusions that this population suffers, spaces where prostitution occurs end up being places where it is possible to exist, exercise sociability, identity, autonomy (Monzeli et al., 2015).

It is also necessary to problematize the LGBT community's access to the education sector, responsible for qualifying the population for formal, stable and well-paid jobs. Bento (2011) highlights that discrimination is one of the many violations that occur in school spaces and that affect the guarantee of access and especially the permanence of the LGBT population, who are constantly exposed to an environment of exclusion, marginalization and targets of intolerance, hate speech and physical and psychological violence.

Schools, as well as other social environments, still do not know how to deal with different forms of gender and sexuality expression, causing school dropout rates and low levels of education, something that leads to fewer opportunities for insertion into the formal economy. A survey carried out in schools in 2016 by the Associação Brasileira de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais (ABGLT), in partnership with the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR), revealed that 60.2% of students feel insecure during their school experience due to their sexual orientation and/or gender (Brasil, 2016).

According to Junqueira (2012), the school environment can be a place of oppression, discrimination and prejudice, being a space that produces violence for the LGBT community. In a study carried out in Brazil in 2015 on LGBT students and the school environment, it was revealed that 73% of LGBT students suffer verbal aggression because of their sexual orientation and/or gender. Silva (2018) highlights that the struggle of the LGBT population, especially social movements in search of rights, advocates achieving alternatives and paths that aim to include subjects in different social and institutional spaces.

Furthermore, even if the individual has a high level of education and all the technical and practical requirements for the position, LGBT people are unable to apply for vacancies that require higher qualifications. There is a shortage of this population in positions and functions considered leadership or better remuneration (Paniza, 2021).

Finally, in this mapping specific actions were found only for gays and transgender people. We understand that this is mainly due to the social vulnerability that trans people experience. However, this fact allows us to reflect on the need for public bodies to also think about subjects who make up other letters in the acronym, and who are often made invisible.

1. Distribution of shares in the different regions of Brazil

Regions with political leaders more related to conservative sectors, such as the South and Southeast regions, which lobbied against the approval of laws that favored socially excluded populations, had a lower number of actions found in the mapping carried out here. On the other hand, the Northeast presented the largest number of actions and a greater concentration of political leaders in this region who, over the years, strengthened discourses and agendas that consolidated human rights.

Santos (2016) cites the pressure that electoral groups suffer from conservative speeches from social and business segments that go against socially excluded subjects. Such speeches have already strongly promoted changes during important electoral disputes in Brazil in which declared “left” candidates gave in to pressure and refused, for example, the approval of the bill that made homophobia a crime or the one that recognized “homoaffective marriage”, although both proposals were later approved. Electoral representatives considered progressive have also given in to several proposals from the business community aimed at reducing workers' rights.

Government speeches and agendas have serious influences on society, generating more or less actions, and more or less positive or negative impacts, especially for the LGBT community. Just as Druck (2006) mentioned in his article on social movements, it is important to highlight that discourses based on diversity contribute, albeit with limits, to carrying out actions in this sense.

In 2003, the government, which was largely supported by the Northeast region, led by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, approved bill no. 379b/2003, which established June 28th as National Gay Pride Day. The following year, in 2004, a new program was approved, Brazil Without Homophobia (BSH) program.

In 2008, the 1st National Conference of Gays, Lesbians, Bisexuals, Transvestites and Transsexuals was held, with the theme “Human rights and public policies: the path to guaranteeing the citizenship of Gays, Lesbians, Bisexuals, Transvestites and Transsexuals”. There was also the National Plan for the Promotion of Citizenship and Human Rights of Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transvestites and Transsexuals – PNCDDH-LGBT, approved in 2009. In the same year, the decree creating the National Human Rights Program was published 3 – PNDH 3. The National Coordination for the Promotion of LGBT Rights was created in 2010 and implemented the National LGBT Council also in 2010, with equal representation from the federal government and civil society.

During the same government, labor laws were approved that guaranteed social security and job improvements for the working class in general. The National Labor Forum, created in 2003, and the valorization of unions was a benefit for workers, as they guaranteed labor improvements and the implementation of specific laws, because, even if they are not aimed at the LGBT population, they benefit everyone (Druck , 2006).

According to Souza & Lussi (2022), in 2017 the government led by politician Michel Temer began dismantling labor laws, which approved a labor “reform”, considered a setback in terms of rights, also supported by the extreme right. who, shortly after, assumed the presidency of Brazil. During this period, there was an increase in informal work, the dismantling of social security, setbacks in labor laws and the invisibility of some populations.

In 2018, the advance of neoconservatism and neoliberalism was observed in speeches during the electoral campaigns for the presidency of the republic. Moving into 2019, the government of now former president Jair Messias Bolsonaro was marked by further setbacks in laws and public policies that guarantee the rights of the LGBT population implemented by previous governments.

1. Notes on the responsibilities of the private sector and the third sector

Citing Juliani (2022), some companies still say they do not recognize the need or advantage in adopting a management standard that includes the LGBT community, due to issues relating to sexual differences and gender identity. Some of these organizations see that the company's image associated with the LGBT cause can generate negative factors among the market, customers, suppliers and partners. Other companies raise the issue just to attract the media, but do not implement them in practice.

Within this perspective, Góis et al. (2017) highlight factors for the low inclusion of the LGBT population in the job market, indicating that diversity management programs aimed at this population are specifically concentrated in large companies. Furthermore, the authors highlight that there is a lack of affirmative actions provided by the Brazilian State, as well as a lack of social pressure from union and social movements.

According to Heloani & Silva (2015), organizational circles have regularly discussed agendas for inclusion and diversification of the workforce, with the aim of creating images, or even identities, of social responsibility for organizations. In this way, it is linked to the State's responsibility in providing connections with public and private companies, aiming at corporate social responsibility in terms of access to work. It is important that companies create policies that guarantee the inclusion of transvestites, just as it is necessary that the entire LGBT population has access and is part of the workforce, favoring the organizational advancement and career path of these people.

Lopes (2009) highlights that, more than the responsibility of private organizations to promote incentives for equality in insertion, the state must have initiative and participation, proceeding to benefit the community by guaranteeing the right to freedom, education, health, work dignity and segments guaranteed to them by the Federal Constitution.

Policies for the inclusion of social groups that experience exclusion on a daily basis improve the perception of decision-making in the business environment, positively stimulate the increase in creativity and improvement, making it possible to emphasize better marketing adherence to different consumers, integrating the population LGBT. Therefore, companies that do not adopt a diverse workforce and do not know how to visualize that these differences can result in improvements may suffer a competitive disadvantage (Cox, 1991).

However, according to Rondas & Machado (2015), there are, in Brazilian society, public and private initiatives, such as institutions and associations, that promote the guarantee of collective rights in favor of the LGBT community, such as the Brazilian Association of Lesbians, Gays and Transvestites (ABGLT), the Lesbian Association of Minas (ALEM), the Association of Transsexuals and Transvestites of Minas Gerais (ASSTRAV), the Ellos Group for Free Sexual Orientation (ELLOS), the Center for the Fight for Free Sexual Orientation (CELLOS), the Reference Center for Human Rights and LGBT Citizenship of Minas Gerais (CRLGBT), the University Group in Defense of Sexual Diversity (GUDDS), the Gay Movement of Betim (MGB), the Gay Movement of Minas (MGM), the Organized Movement of Combating Homophobia (MOOCAH), the Belo Horizonte Gay Parade, and the UNA-se movement for the end of violence against women (UNA-se). In this way, the importance of the contribution of social movements, public, private and third sectors in creating or expanding initiatives to provide organizational opportunities for the right and access to work of the LGBT population in the labor market is visualized.

Although it is understood that the focus must be on the inclusion of LGBT people through social transformation, and that the business community and the capitalist system impose difficulties for social justice, it is understood that current neoliberalism requires a dialogue between the state and other sectors. The specific language of these sectors must be considered to ensure this insertion into practice and minimize the violence and negligence suffered over the decades.

Furthermore, it is necessary to combat institutional LGBTphobia, as it materializes not only through the lack of inclusive practices, but through practices of omission of situations experienced by the LGBT community and which are not reported or classified as a crime by employers in different sectors. Monitoring and recording these complaints is the role of employers and validating them is the responsibility of competent leaders for recording violence and establishing its consequences.

In a Seminar on LGBTPhobia and Racism held in Brazil in 2017, Alessandra Makeda, translator and activist, reinforced that the high number of transgender people involved in prostitution “is totally related to the lack of acceptance by employers, and that the non-placement, in in many cases, it is a reflection of prejudice” and that “Even though I have an educational background with skills in more than five languages, I faced, and still face, difficulties in entering the job market” (Brasil, 2017, p. 7).

Although the data obtained in this research is not intended to discuss how governments have been coordinating job vacancies with the private sector and the third sector, this discussion topic was designed to function as a reflection or as “notes for a solution” that holds different actors accountable. It is considered here that the State must propose measures that guarantee this integration with the aforementioned sectors (private and third sector), and seek ways to monitor the implementation of his right. The dialogue between the public, private sphere and the third sector was understood here as some possible and necessary practice in the process of insertion and permanence of gender and sexuality dissident people in formal, fair and well-paid work activities.

Conclusion

Based on this systematized mapping using secondary data, it was possible to reflect that, despite advances in relation to the rights of LGBT people and the rights of workers obtained over the last few decades, the challenges posed to the social participation of this group are still enormous. population through work. These advances are also permeated by occasional setbacks, as one or another government with more or less political interest in these issues assumes leadership of the country.

It was possible to notice that, in the last four years, the political speeches of far-right leaders and religious fundamentalists and liberals in the economy may have harmed the progress of the fight in favor of the LGBT population and workers' rights in general. However, it is important to highlight that the Brazilian State never had regulations, legislation or programs that guaranteed these people's access to work, not even during the exercise of governments considered progressive. Furthermore, despite the fact that the Northeast of Brazil has presented more actions and that this fact may be linked to the strengthening of governments with a left-wing political stance in this region, it is clear that the actions mapped out in the region are based on encouraging self-employment and informal. Furthermore, most of the time, this stimulus is focused on activities considered socially feminine, something that can be a factor that further stigmatizes this population and moves towards precariousness.

It is necessary to follow the current political moment to understand whether, after the departure of an avowedly far-right government, looking at the rights of LGBT people and their social participation will in fact be prioritized from now on. It is also necessary to understand whether the current government will hold the private sector, the third sector and the business community responsible and involved in the inclusion of populations that are normally excluded from the labor market, in order to guarantee equality and historical reparation, weaving transformations that reach the roots of the problem.

• 1
  This nomenclature will be used understanding that it is in line with thePolítica Nacionalde Saúde Integral de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais (LGBT), established by the Brazilian Ministry of Health. However, we understand that the social movement starts to include other letters in the acronym, in order to give visibility to other gender and sexuality identities. In addition, the terms: LGBT community, LGBT population and gender and sexuality dissident population were also used, as these appear in studies on the topic.
• How to cite: Lima, A. C., Sousa, R. S., Duque, A. M., Braga, I. F., & Souza, M. B. C. A. (2024). Mapping of government actions on the insertion and permanence of the LGBT population at work. Cadernos Brasileiros de Terapia Ocupacional, 32, e37010. https://doi.org/10.1590/2526-8910.ctoAO284637002

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Edited by

Section editor

Profa. Dra. Mariana Midori Sime

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  09 Sept 2024
• Date of issue
  2024

History

• Received
  29 Nov 2023
• Reviewed
  11 Dec 2023
• Reviewed
  06 Apr 2024
• Accepted
  22 May 2024