Women in the financial sector: Examining gender challenges and career sustainability

Mulheres na área financeira: Um olhar para os desafios de gênero e sustentabilidade das carreiras

Abstract

Purpose:  This study examines the career trajectories of women aspiring to leadership positions in financial sector organizations and identifies the challenges they face due to the social construction of gender, drawing on the concept of sustainable careers.

Originality/value:  The findings help address gaps in the dominant literature on sustainable careers, which has thus far offered limited exploration of gender-based barriers in professional trajectories and insufficiently considered the specificities of the South American labor market.

Design/methodology/approach:  We conducted an exploratory qualitative study with 19 Brazilian women working in the financial sector who aspire to leadership roles. Data collection included semi-structured interviews, which were subsequently analyzed using thematic analysis techniques.

Findings:  The study identifies several key challenges: difficulties in gaining credibility and securing approval from male colleagues; self-imposed pressure, feelings of inferiority, and a consequent need for heightened career dedication to overcome these barriers; the reconciliation of multiple roles, particularly the work–life dilemma; the motherhood penalty, including the postponement or even avoidance of pregnancy in favor of career advancement; and constant comparison with men in relation to “expected” attitudes and roles within the gendered division of labor.

Contributions/implications:  Theoretically, this study advances the sustainable careers literature by providing empirical evidence grounded in its conceptual foundations. As practical implications, the identified gender inequalities and discriminatory practices provide a basis for developing organizational policies and practices. Issues such as sexual harassment, delayed promotions favoring equally qualified male professionals, underrepresentation of women in leadership positions, and the preference for hiring younger women without children are critical areas for intervention. Furthermore, these insights align with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, particularly Goal 5 (Gender Equality), reinforcing the study’s theoretical and practical relevance.

Keywords:
gender; sustainable careers; social sustainability; sustainability; STEM careers

Palavras-chave:
gênero; carreiras sustentáveis; sustentabilidade social; sustentabilidade; carreiras STEM

Resumo

Objetivo:  O artigo analisou as trajetórias de mulheres que almejam posições de destaque em organizações do setor financeiro e identificou os desafios que vivenciam, decorrentes da construção social dos gêneros, à luz do conceito de carreiras sustentáveis.

Originalidade/valor:  Os achados contribuem para o preenchimento de lacunas da literatura dominante sobre carreiras sustentáveis, que ainda explora de forma limitada as barreiras de gênero nas trajetórias profissionais e pouco considera as especificidades do mercado de trabalho sul-americano.

Design/metodologia/abordagem:  Realizou-se uma pesquisa qualitativa exploratória com 19 mulheres brasileiras que trabalham na área financeira e almejam posições de liderança. Os dados foram coletados por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas e, posteriormente, analisados por meio da técnica de análise temática.

Resultados:  Identificou-se os seguintes desafios: dificuldade de credibilidade na conquista da aprovação de colegas homens; autocobrança, sentimento de inferioridade e consequente dedicação intensa à carreira para superação; conciliação de papéis envolvendo o dilema vida versus carreira; penalidade pela maternidade, em que se discorre sobre adiar (ou até evitar) a gravidez em prol da carreira; e comparação com homens, referente às atitudes e papéis “esperados” dentro da divisão sexual do trabalho.

Contribuição/implicação:  Teoricamente, contribui para reforçar a pesquisa em carreiras sustentáveis ao realizar um estudo empírico com base em seus fundamentos conceituais. Em termos práticos, as desigualdades e discriminações de gênero reveladas permitem embasar políticas e práticas organizacionais. Situações de assédio sexual, postergação de promoções para beneficiar um profissional homem com a mesma capacitação, falta de representatividade em posições de liderança e a preferência pela contratação de mulheres jovens, sem filhos, são algumas das problemáticas abordadas que podem ser trabalhadas. Além disso, esse direcionamento vai ao encontro das diretrizes dos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável das Nações Unidas voltadas à Equidade de Gênero (Objetivo 5), reforçando a relevância teórica e prática das reflexões propostas.

INTRODUCTION

Women’s careers, both within and outside organizations, are intertwined with gender-related challenges (Fraga & Rocha-de-Oliveira, 2020; Mainiero & Gibson, 2018; Mayrhofer et al., 2007), which intensify amid contemporary labor market dynamics. Careers are currently constructed through physical mobilities, such as movement within organizational structures and between different jobs, employers, and occupations, as well as through psychological mobilities, which refer to how individuals interpret and perceive events and conditions throughout their trajectories (Baruch & Sullivan, 2022). In this process, women encounter various types of barriers, namely sociocultural barriers, manifested in the attribution of domestic care roles; political and organizational barriers, evident in the scant representation in positions of power and leadership; and even biological barriers, related to expectations surrounding motherhood (Fraga & Rocha-de-Oliveira, 2020).

In the labor market, gender discrimination is particularly evident in the structure of certain occupational sectors. In this regard, the finance-related professional field is predominantly male (Spinelli-de-Sá et al., 2017). In Brazilian financial institutions, women hold approximately 21% of board positions, 19% of management positions, and 5% of CEO positions. In the area of financial control (controladoria), women earn, on average, 27% less than men performing the same functions (Fundação Getúlio Vargas [FGV], 2023).

Professional trajectories in finance constitute what the literature recognizes as STEM careers, an abbreviation for Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (Keune et al., 2019). These occupations are the subject of studies and criticism owing to the low female representation at entry into and retention within the labor market (Bird & Rhoton, 2021; Keune et al., 2019). In this context, notwithstanding advances toward gender equality in the labor market, structurally constructed social barriers persist, hindering the retention of women in the financial sector (Bird & Rhoton, 2021; Hutchins & Kovach, 2019). These difficulties are compounded when considered through an intersectional lens of race, sexuality, and other social markers that characterize the Brazilian workforce (Bird & Rhoton, 2021; Fraga & Rocha-de-Oliveira, 2020; Müller et al., 2025).

In career research, the sustainability perspective facilitates understanding of this scenario by identifying and analyzing the factors that jeopardize the continuity of professional trajectories (Greenhaus & Callanan, 2022; McDonald & Hite, 2018). This approach proposes analyzing the various contextual barriers to human and career development (De Vos & Van der Heijden, 2017), drawing on four main dimensions: time, context, agency, and meaning. Time refers to the dynamic nature of careers, which change as individuals progress through their professional trajectories. Context refers to the systemic influence of factors and actors that impose limitations or create opportunities for career continuity. Agency and meaning refer to the subject-context interaction, in which a sense-making process is triggered by the meanings attributed to diverse career experiences. This meaning-making process guides the direction of trajectories based on what individuals consider intrinsically important (De Vos et al., 2020; De Vos & Van der Heijden, 2017; Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015).

The concept of sustainable careers draws on these dimensions and provides a theoretical lens for analyzing how careers are constructed over time from a long-term perspective (De Vos et al., 2020; Greenhaus & Callanan, 2022). About women’s careers, the theme aligns with the United Nations’ sustainability perspective, as reflected in the inclusion of “gender equity” among the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs, 2026). Existing studies on sustainable careers, however, offer limited exploration of gender discussions (Kossek & Ollier-Malaterre, 2020; Müller et al., 2025) or of the South American reality (Müller et al., 2022; 2025), where an opportunity (and necessity) for investigation is evident.

This article examines the career trajectories of women aspiring to leadership positions in financial sector organizations. It identifies the challenges they face due to the social construction of gender, drawing on the concept of sustainable careers. We understood challenges as the difficulties perceived and confronted during career trajectories. The focus on career sustainability aims to understand how women navigate gender barriers and sustain their careers, that is, maintain the continuity of their careers over time. To this end, we conducted an exploratory qualitative study with 19 women from the southern region of Brazil who, at the time of the research, were employed in banking and financial institutions or in finance-related departments within private companies.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Gender and the labor market

From Joan Scott’s (1995) perspective, gender is a constitutive element of social relations, grounded in perceived differences between the sexes, and a primary means of attributing meaning to power relations. Thus, when considering women, the full historical record of the roles they have performed over time, across different social spaces (the labor market, education, politics, the economy), and their respective impacts must be taken into account (Chies, 2010; Federici, 2021).

Historically, the meanings attributed to gender give rise to what is understood as the sexual division of labor (Trotter, 2017). The sexual division of labor is commonly conceptualized as a form of social differentiation of work derived from relations between the sexes. It refers to the socially constructed designation in which men assume a primary role, responsible for the productive function, which carries greater social value, while women are assigned responsibility for the reproductive function (Federici, 2021; Hirata & Kergoat, 2007). In this logic, “there are men’s jobs and women’s jobs (hierarchical principle), and a man’s job is worth more than a woman’s job” (Hirata & Kergoat, 2007, p. 599).

Even with advances in legislation aimed at reducing inequalities, the sexual division of labor remains strongly evidenced globally (Trotter, 2017). According to Passos and Machado (2022), although women’s access to education has increased, their labor market participation remains far below that of men. It is a consequence of the social construction of women’s roles, typically associated with family care (reproductive function) (Passos & Machado, 2022), which has its origins in social norms and moral values (Federici, 2021). This phenomenon may be explained by the “scissor effect”, which refers to women who gain entry into the profession but, as they progress in their careers, are cut off (Prá & Cegatti, 2016). This gender segregation is associated with interruptions linked to the expected role of women, such as dedication to domestic life or pregnancy, while men in the same position have the conditions to invest exclusively in their careers and further qualifications (Bonelli et al., 2008; Prá & Cegatti, 2016; Coelho & Häyrén, 2023; Brandão & Lopes, 2017).

In international career research, the sexual division of labor is addressed as a global characteristic of labor markets (Trotter, 2017; Acker, 2012). Within this framework, there exists a sexual segregation within organizations, manifested from the moment of hiring, assignment of functions, and promotions, in which male professionals are preferred over women (Trotter, 2017). In the context of corporate careers, the metaphor of the “glass ceiling” refers to the invisible barrier observed in organizations, whereby women can see positions of career advancement but are impeded by “invisible” barriers, fostered by behaviors, attitudes, and ways of thinking embedded in organizational culture, that prevent them from reaching those positions (Woida & Oliveira, 2018; Hryniewicz & Vianna, 2018).

Regarding career advancement, men find it easier to adjust personal matters to advance their careers than women, since the latter, as a consequence of the sexual segregation of labor, bear family responsibilities (Trotter, 2017; Coelho & Häyrén, 2023; Brandão & Lopes, 2017). Women are more likely to balance family and work domains, leading many to abandon corporate careers (Mainiero & Gibson, 2018) or seek companies that offer greater flexibility, even at the cost of salary losses (Kleven et al., 2019). Comparatively, men tend to devote themselves to family only as they approach retirement, largely because women already fulfill that role (Fraga & Rocha-de-Oliveira, 2020; Mainiero & Gibson, 2018).

The abstract image of the ideal worker is itself associated with a man devoted to his career as his primary activity, with family in the background (Acker, 2012; Trotter, 2017). In the Brazilian context, women in executive careers face obstacles and high demands within organizations (Souza & Silva, 2024; Coelho & Häyrén, 2023; Brandão & Lopes, 2017; Hryniewicz & Vianna, 2018; Carvalho Neto et al., 2010). In this vein, the literature addresses opposing prejudices associated with women in organizations: that in order to be respected and to advance, women need to behave according to patterns considered masculine; and the suspicion that, if they have risen professionally, it was through the use of their sexuality. The “masculinization” in the corporate environment manifests in attributes that women come to incorporate and naturalize, as well as in the need to adapt to demands and the environment (Gomes Neto et al., 2022; Figueredo & Cavazotte, 2023). Furthermore, women face personal dilemmas, such as the burden of balancing professional and family responsibilities and guilt over distancing themselves from their children due to work. Whereas successful men are more likely to marry and have children, the inverse pattern holds for women: it is common among women executives to experience difficulty in establishing romantic relationships and to postpone motherhood in order to privilege dedication to work (Souza & Silva, 2024; Coelho & Häyrén, 2023; Brandão & Lopes, 2017; Hryniewicz & Vianna, 2018; CarvalhoNeto et al., 2010).

Federici (2021) and Chies (2010) argue that, within the capitalist system, the female role is subordinated to the male, such that, within the same profession, the gender marker makes itself present. When women work in professions considered masculine—both by their historical construction and by demanding attributes supposedly associated with masculinity, such as strength, resilience, assertiveness, or leadership—they are perceived as inferior. Prejudice toward women is internalized as an ideological reinforcement designed to maintain the sexual division of labor. In this context, the notion of professional identity is highlighted, referring to what is expected of a professional not only in terms of their social function, but also within the context surrounding the historical development of that profession (Gomes Neto et al., 2022; Figueredo & Cavazotte, 2023; Chies, 2010). Professional identity thus involves recognition of oneself and by one’s reference group, within which discriminatory processes emerge. Accordingly, women working in predominantly male professions will need to develop attributes common to the reference group, which may conflict with their own sense of self and may even bar access to certain careers or hierarchical levels (Gomes Neto et al., 2022; Figueredo & Cavazotte, 2023; Chies, 2010).

Specifically, regarding careers in the financial sector, certain issues have been observed. In the past, the underrepresentation of women in STEM careers was attributed to behavioral factors, such as women’s alleged disinterest in STEM—a stereotyped idea that persists in public discourse (Bird & Rhoton, 2021). More recently, companies and governments have increased initiatives to encourage the professional training of young people in fields traditionally dominated by men, with significant advances in this direction (Keune et al., 2019).

However, even after entering the labor market, women are more likely to experience career discontinuity in certain occupations. Women in STEM careers tend to interrupt or abandon their careers due to systemic barriers, including organizational policies, structures, and practices that hinder access to professional opportunities for certain groups (Bird et al., 2021; Oliveira et al., 2021). A widely explored example in the literature is the academic context. Despite the increase in female STEM researchers over the past 60 years, their trajectories are marked by career abandonment and differences in overall productivity (Oliveira et al., 2021), owing to factors associated with balancing career with family and domestic work, which overburden teaching and research efforts, as well as to lesser recognition of achievements (Bird & Rhoton, 2021; Oliveira et al., 2021). Implicit gender biases in STEM careers have also been documented, characterized by the unconscious belief that women are less capable than men with the same qualifications (Bird & Rhoton, 2021; Oliveira et al., 2021).

In research on what attracts women to the financial sector, based on the meanings they associate with work, Spinelli-de-Sá et al. (2017) argue that personal success in a context of high demands and competition generates self-esteem, a sense of self-efficacy, and a sense of purpose in relation to the profession. In a similar vein, other studies (Oltramari et al., 2011; Vogel Olbermann & Grisci, 2019) highlight an intolerance of frustration and an absolute pursuit of one’s desires, given that, within contemporary social dictates, the need for “non-accommodation” and constant career growth are valued and naturalized in the discourse of career construction. This context imposes dilemmas over whether to advance in one’s career or spend more time with family (Greenhaus & Kossek, 2014), dilemmas that are lived out in a conflicted manner by women, who deal with frustration, fear, and guilt (Spinelli-de-Sá et al., 2017), whereas men commonly transfer family responsibilities to their respective spouses (Coelho & Häyrén, 2023; Oltramari et al., 2011; Vogel Olbermann & Grisci, 2019). Other common dilemmas experienced by women in this sector include managing household tasks, pausing career development to become pregnant, and fear of dismissal after deciding to become a mother (Spinelli-de-Sá et al., 2017; Brandão & Lopes, 2017).

Contemporary careers

The contemporary definition of career involves the pursuit of diverse experiences that contribute, directly or indirectly, to professional development (Baruch & Rousseau, 2019) and thereby increase employability prospects (Forrier et al., 2018). One of the major milestones in consolidating current career perspectives is the shift from traditional models, characterized by a linear trajectory of hierarchical ascent within organizations, to models that account for the multiplicity of career patterns (Akkermans et al., 2021). The rapid pace of change in the world of work, intertwined with economic globalization, has corroborated this shift by rendering careers more unpredictable and dynamic (Baruch & Sullivan, 2022; Baruch & Rousseau, 2019).

Thus, the different theoretical currents in career studies may be understood as a reflection of society itself in its transformations (Baruch & Sullivan, 2022; Akkermans et al., 2021). Traditional or organizational careers reflected the more predictable contexts of the post-World War II period, marked by manufacturing industry and large corporations (Lawrence et al., 2015). The earliest career studies focused on creating occupational classifications and studying vocational choices to align individual characteristics with organizational needs (Akkermans et al., 2021). Among the most influential traditional theoretical perspectives are Super’s (1957) career development theory, which presents a stage-based career perspective derived from the individual’s age-related maturation, and Holland’s (1959) theory of vocational choice, which focuses on identifying occupations based on personal interests. Both constructs emphasized preparing people for the right career choice, which would provide stable, secure employment through to retirement (Akkermans et al., 2021).

With the increasing complexity of labor markets, driven by neoliberal policies of internationalization and market liberalization, what Baruch and Sullivan (2022) classify as the first generation of contemporary career concepts emerged. These concepts arose in response to the scenario of globalization and downsizing that affected white-collar workers in the early 1990s. The central characteristic of these models is their emphasis on the individual’s capacity for career agency amid rapid change (Baruch & Sullivan, 2021). The boundaryless career (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996) and the protean career (Hall, 1996) are the main theoretical exponents of this generation.

The boundaryless career concept emphasizes the individual’s orientation toward physical movements (e.g., geographic changes, transitions between occupations, between firms) and psychological movements (the disposition to engage in such movements) (Briscoe & Hall, 2006). The protean career, in turn, considers the individual’s orientation by internal values (e.g., the conception of success is independent of the organization, but rather of what one considers intrinsically important) and by self-directed career management (e.g., the capacity to be adaptable in terms of performance and learning demands) (Briscoe & Hall, 2006; Baruch & Sullivan, 2022). The first-generation concepts are widely employed in the careers literature and remain, to this day, the dominant perspectives in academic and organizational settings for the conception of careers (Akkermans et al., 2021). These two concepts inform distinct theoretical propositions, which are commonly criticized for ignoring contextual factors that limit individuals’ capacity to navigate their careers and pursue employability (Forrier et al., 2018). Structural gender barriers, for example, receive little consideration given the constructs’ emphasis on behavioral aspects and attitudes toward work (Fraga & Rocha-de-Oliveira, 2020; Kossek & Ollier-Malaterre, 2020).

The second generation of concepts broadens the individual perspective on careers by taking into account both the individual’s desires and the opportunities offered by the context. Among the most influential perspectives in this group are the kaleidoscope career model (Mainiero & Sullivan, 2005), career construction theory (Savickas, 2005), and career sustainability (De Vos et al., 2020; Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015).

The kaleidoscope career model addresses changes in career decision-making patterns across the stages of the professional trajectory (beginning, middle, or end of career), which are related to the individual’s life moment. The model is constructed around a gender problematization that highlights differences in priorities in professional decision-making. Whereas women at the midpoint of their career tend to prioritize work-life balance, men tend to do so closer to retirement (Mainiero & Sullivan, 2005). Savickas (2005), in turn, understands that career construction involves interpretive and interpersonal processes throughout life, with career development guided by adaptation to the environment. The theory thus reinforces career adaptability as a process related to the individual’s resources that enable them to confront contextual changes. It occurs through a process that alters their social integration by anticipating tasks, transitions, and traumas in their occupational roles (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012).

The kaleidoscope career model, by centering on patterns of individual decisions, and constructionist career theory, by emphasizing adaptive behavior in career development, although presenting a contextual perspective, still assign particular importance to individual agency. The concept of sustainable careers is then introduced as a perspective that integrates the central ideas of these models with first-generation perspectives (Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015), and distinguishes itself by explicitly considering actors and contexts that affect the continuity of trajectories (Lawrence et al., 2015). These relationships will be presented and explored in the following section.

Sustainable careers

Van der Heijden and De Vos (2015) incorporate the sustainability dimension into career studies, presenting a perspective centered on the individual-context interaction that sheds light on both career movements and the contexts that facilitate or hinder this process (De Vos et al., 2020; De Vos & Van der Heijden, 2017). Thus, a sustainable career is defined as “the sequence of an individual’s different career experiences, reflected through a variety of continuity patterns over time, crossing various social spaces, characterized by individual agency, and providing meaning to the individual” (Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015, p. 7). This definition is constructed from the analysis of contemporary career perspectives and identifies the dimensions “time,” “context,” “agency,” and “meaning” as central to its understanding (De Vos et al., 2020).

“Time” refers to the character of continuity implicit in sustainability, which is not linear but composed of different cycles of experience that impinge on careers and drive movements of adaptability and adjustment in response to contextual conditions. Time provides a dynamic perspective on career analysis, accounting for the various events that traverse individual trajectories and drive movement within them. It means that, depending on the moment under consideration, patterns will be more or less sustainable, depending on how individuals interpret and perceive the context (De Vos et al., 2020; De Vos & Van der Heijden, 2017). The idea of career patterns or cycles was initially presented and reformulated by Super (1957; 1980) and is also present in the concepts of the kaleidoscope career and the protean career (Hall, 1996), as well as implicitly in the idea of movement within the boundaryless career (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996).

De Vos et al. (2020) refer to social spaces and various influences that generate threats or opportunities affecting individual attitudes and behaviors. These refer not only to work-related domains at the organizational level (e.g., working groups, organizational dynamics), but also to the family sphere and personal life (Greenhaus & Kossek, 2014), and to broader labor market aspects (e.g., occupational sector, legislative influences, institutions) (De Vos et al., 2020). Mayrhofer et al. (2007), in their seminal study on context in careers, highlight the influence of the context of origin (e.g., social class, life history) and of the societal and cultural context, which encompasses, in particular, gender barriers and other aspects embedded in culture (e.g., demographic characteristics). Although prior models allow for external influences, the concept of sustainable careers makes the role of context explicit, enabling advances in this direction. De Vos et al. (2020) even encourage the exploration of other contextual dimensions not included in their conceptual model.

The dimensions of agency and meaning are intertwined and refer to the process of career construction directed by the individual (Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015; De Vos et al., 2020). The capacity for action, however, is shaped by events that pervade careers over time, as well as by contexts that limit or enable movement in the development of trajectories. As a process, career sustainability involves the constant production of meaning resulting from individual-context interactions, which may give rise to more or less sustainable trajectories, depending on the reality experienced (De Vos et al., 2020; Greenhaus & Callanan, 2022). In this regard, agency may be typified as proactive agency, in which individuals exercise greater control over their trajectories and can deliberately plan and anticipate movements, and reactive agency, characterized by adaptability in response to contextual conditions (De Vos et al., 2020). It is noteworthy that Savickas’s (2005) concept of adaptability is reformulated by introducing a sustainability perspective. The gender barriers experienced by women are examples of cultural influences, historically produced and reproduced in organizations and society (Mayrhofer et al., 2007), that impede the proactive exercise of career agency.

The dimensions of time, context, agency, and meaning are interconnected, making it impossible to delineate what constitutes a sustainable career, given that each reality is unique (De Vos et al., 2020). What the construct enables is the identification of trajectories of greater or lesser sustainability, based on the contexts in which careers unfold and on the individual’s capacity for reaction or proactivity in response to those configurations. De Vos et al. (2020) thus propose three parameters considered indicators of career sustainability, as they are fundamental pillars of human flourishing: (a) health, referring to physical and mental health; (b) happiness, referring to the subjective perception of satisfaction in career and in life; and (c) productivity, referring to work performance and employability, as the capacity to develop competencies to remain in the labor market (Blokker et al., 2019). Career sustainability involves the dynamic balance of these three indicators: the capacity to adapt and change in response to the needs of one’s career and life, and the prioritization of one or the other as circumstances demand (De Vos et al., 2020). It means there should be neither excessive investment in one dimension nor deficiency in another, in a way that compromises the remaining dimensions.

METHODOLOGY

The strategy employed was an exploratory qualitative study with 19 Brazilian women working in the financial sector who aspire to leadership positions. We collected data through semi-structured interviews conducted via virtual meetings and prepared a script with primary questions, complemented by additional questions relevant to the interview context (Warren, 2012). The criteria for participation were self-identification as a woman, whether or not based on biological sex; employment in the financial sector; the absence of a formal managerial position; and the aspiration to a leadership position in the future.

The search for eligible participants was conducted by sharing the study through the researchers’ social media profiles (LinkedIn, Instagram, and WhatsApp). Although there were no geographic restrictions on respondent inclusion, all research participants were Brazilian women residing in municipalities within the metropolitan region of Porto Alegre, in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, owing to the researchers’ proximity to the region. To ensure ethical procedures in the study, we applied the Terms of Free and Informed Consent to record the interviews. Participants’ identities were protected using pseudonyms.

We conducted the interviews via online meetings on the participant’s chosen virtual platform, with an average duration of 40 minutes. The number of interviews was considered sufficient when no new information was added by the research participants, as indicated by repeated information, a common criterion in qualitative research (Saunders et al., 2018). Most of the women identified themselves as white, middle-class, with a mean age of 26 years and a mean experience of 4.5 years in the financial sector at private companies. Table 1 summarizes the general characteristics of the respondents.

Table 1
General information about the interviewees

Interviewee	Age	Years in finance	Company sector	Company size
Adriana	27	5 years	Public service	Large company
Alessandra	23	4 years	Private service	Large company
Camila	22	2 years and 3 months	Private service	Large company
Cassia	23	7 years	Private industry	Large company
Clara	23	4 years	Private industry	Large company
Elisa	28	7 years	Private service	Medium company
Franciele	25	3 years	Private service	Micro-enterprise
Helen	27	5 years	Private service	Micro-enterprise
Isadora	26	5 years	Private service	Small company
Maria Eduarda	25	4 years	Private service	Large company
Martina	32	5 years and 6 months	Private industry	Large company
Natália	28	6 years	Private service	Large company
Rafaela	27	8 years	Private industry	Large company
Renata	24	4 years e 6 months	Private service	Medium company
Roberta	25	4 years	Private service	Large company
Sandra	29	8 years	Private service	Large company
Valentina	24	3 years	Private service	Small company
Vitória	22	1 year e 6 months	Private service	Large company

Among the respondents, some were employed by both public and private companies. Companies were segmented by sector and by size, evaluated by number of employees, using the definitions of the Brazilian Micro and Small Business Support Service (Serviço Brasileiro de Apoio às Micro e Pequenas Empresas [Sebrae], 2013). At the time of the research, the women were employed in 11 distinct companies, with considerable similarity in responses among those working at the same organization. Furthermore, most participants had experience with more than one organization and incorporated these experiences into their accounts. Although the participants were young, their length of experience in the financial sector is considered adequate given the proposed objective.

The transcribed data were analyzed and organized using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2012), enabling the identification of patterns across the interviews. We conducted an inductive thematic analysis, guided by the research question and emerging findings rather than previously established concepts. The method followed the six steps of Braun and Clarke (2006): (1) familiarization with the data, involving immersion in the interviews through repeated reading and rereading of the transcripts. Throughout this process, we took notes on observations about the meanings in the data, which guided subsequent stages; (2) generation of initial codes identifying the challenges and dilemmas investigated across all interviews; (3) searching for themes, which consisted of capturing the central idea that configures patterns across the interviews. We grouped the codes by a process that involved making sense of (defining themes for) the patterns found in the corresponding excerpts, through which we identified central themes characterizing the gender-related challenges; (4) reviewing potential themes, comparing them with the coded excerpts and validating their relevance in relation to the research as a whole; (5) defining and naming the themes, capturing their essence; and, finally, (6) producing the article, which involves relating the themes to the theoretical concepts adopted.

RESULTS

The participants, in general, have unique life histories, specific family contexts, and diverse work experiences. A common theme across their trajectories was that the interviewees were at an early stage of their career development, seeking growth opportunities within their organizations. The identified themes represent challenges related to gender discrimination structurally present in Brazilian society (Spinelli et al., 2017), with organizations constituting yet another space for the reproduction of these inequalities (Acker, 2012; Trotter, 2017). Table 2 presents a general description of the themes.

Table 2
Challenges identified in the interviews

Derived themes
Credibility difficulties: referring to the need to work arduously to gain the approval of male colleagues.
Self-imposed pressure: referring to feelings of inferiority despite having the same qualifications as male colleagues, and the consequent intense career dedication to overcome this.
Role conciliation: the life versus career dilemma, in which participants report difficulties in balancing their personal and professional domains.
Motherhood penalty: the dilemma of whether or not to become a mother, including deliberations on postponing (or even forgoing) pregnancy in favor of career advancement.
Comparison with men: referring to the attitudes and roles expected within the sexual division of labor.

In addition, we identified themes that reflect the subjective aspects of the women’s professional trajectories. The fact that they work in an environment where professionals of the male sex predominate permeates, invariably, all interviews, constituting a central element in the perception of gender discrimination. The key challenges will be addressed in the following sections through analysis grounded in conceptual dialogues with the sustainability-of-careers perspective and with gender and labor market studies. Subsequently, we will discuss this in a dedicated section, highlighting the connections to the central dimensions of the sustainable career concept.

Credibility difficulties

Participants report difficulties establishing credibility in a work environment dominated by male professionals. These challenges manifest in comments from male colleagues who ironize and underestimate women’s capacity for success or their knowledge of the subject matter. In this regard, the perception among male colleagues of delegitimizing one’s achievements, or even attributing them to chance or luck, is a common feature of the accounts. Table 3 summarizes these observations.

Table 3
Credibility difficulties

Codes	Interview excerpts
Attribution of achievements to chance or luck	“In the financial market, this happens a lot: they do not take you seriously, they undermine your work [...] when you achieve something, some promotion, some important hire, this sexist environment interprets it as anything but your effort. They say you were lucky, or that it happened because your father is friends with someone” (Rafaela).
Normalization of harassment	“I have already experienced harassment from clients, and it is very complicated. Because either the company loses an employee or a client who has a lot of money. I had to assert myself and make him truly respect me. And I still had to hear that I should make it clear I was married, as if that were a prerequisite for someone to respect me. So I think being a woman is very difficult. We have to prove ourselves everywhere, assert that we are there because we are competent, and that we want to advance because we are just as competent as a man in that position” (Valentina).
Delegitimization	“I feel that people delegitimize me. Many times, I say what needs to be done because I have already done it or have already questioned and consulted others. However, I very often hear: ‘I think you should talk to your boss’, ‘I think you should ask your leader” (Isadora).
Doubled need for self-assertion	“There is a pre-judgment issue. Many times, people already expect a Black person not to have as much knowledge. Or not to be as good at what they do. I often feel I have to do twice as much to prove that I am in this position, even though I am just as qualified as anyone else to be here” (Martina).

To address these challenges, the interviewees report making constant efforts to prove their credibility in the workplace, perceiving a doubled need for self-assertion. The development of competencies for employability (Blokker et al., 2019) is associated with success in career construction and sustainability (De Vos et al., 2020). However, the research demonstrates that gender barriers to achieving professional objectives extend beyond individual effort. In this regard, even when women meet the requirements of their positions, they must still earn legitimacy in the organizational space (something that men do not equally experience) since the desirable attributes are associated with behaviors fostered in men and discouraged in women (Gomes Neto et al., 2022; Figueredo & Cavazotte, 2023; Chies, 2010).

The case of sexual harassment experienced by Valentina (and other interviewees) represents an extreme manifestation of these conditions and the normalization of the organization’s response to such behavior in order not to lose a profitable client. As observed by Hryniewicz and Vianna (2018) and Carvalho Neto et al. (2010), women’s career success in organizations is, due to structural prejudices, associated with the use of sexuality for that purpose, which contributes to the normalization of these situations. Furthermore, the interviews demonstrate that the responsibility for lending credibility to women in financial organizations is attributed to male leadership, thereby reinforcing the command and prestige associated with men (Trotter, 2017; Hirata & Kergoat, 2007). When intersected with other social markers, these barriers tend to intensify (Fraga & Rocha-de-Oliveira, 2020). Martina, the only interviewee who self-identifies as a “Black woman,” perceives these issues more acutely, which she attributes to gender and, above all, to race.

Self-imposed pressure

Self-imposed pressure emerges in the interviews as women’s response to the inherent challenges of the financial sector, compounded by structural gender issues discussed in other categories, with particular emphasis on the credibility women face in masculinized work contexts. Excessive self-demand, a sense of inadequacy in masculine environments, and impostor syndrome are manifestations of these conditions. Table 4 illustrates these observations.

Table 4
Self-imposed pressure

Codes	Interview excerpts
Excessive self-demand	“What weighs the most is self-imposed pressure. Women tend to be constantly proving themselves. They keep comparing themselves. In short, these internal issues end up pulling one down somewhat. Sometimes we are hesitant to enter certain masculine environments, precisely because we do not know if we will fit in, or if we will face some issue there” (Maria Eduarda).
Intimidation within the group	“The finance area is a very masculine environment. Furthermore, we often have to speak in English, Spanish, or another language. Sometimes I feel intimidated speaking in front of large audiences, especially when I expose myself so much. At the same time, I see that other men expose themselves much more. They are not embarrassed to raise their hand and speak. Sometimes I am afraid of saying something foolish. But also, generally, leadership is male” (Renata).
Impostor syndrome	“So, I always had to think a great deal before giving an opinion. All of this ends up generating insecurity, questions such as: ‘Do I truly deserve this?’ It is that impostor syndrome that makes us feel inferior. I see that this has a significant impact in certain moments. I feel insecure, and it makes me feel less capable, even though I know I have more qualifications than many [male] colleagues” (Adriana).
Need to prove competence	“I see that my workload is much higher because I demand of myself an excellent delivery, an outstanding delivery, to keep standing out. It weighs on me because I always try, involuntarily, to be better at what I do. And I try to prove that I am good at what I do, even though I know I will do it well. And if someday I want to be a mother, what will that be like?” (Franciele).

Intimidation within the group is one of the main triggers of self-imposed pressure, manifested in excessive self-demand and a need to prove competence in response to perceived inferiority relative to men’s performance. In line with prior studies (Coelho & Häyrén, 2023; Brandão & Lopes, 2017; Carvalho Neto et al., 2010), this behavior is shaped by a context of structural gender discrimination that frames women’s success as unintentional, in contrast to men, whose achievements are institutionally validated. The findings thus suggest a context that fosters the sustainability of men’s careers while imposing barriers to women’s careers.

References to “impostor syndrome” are frequent in the accounts and pertain to “the inability to internalize achievements, and the worry of being exposed as a fraud,” experienced primarily by minority groups, such as women (Feenstra et al., 2020). The need for women to display certain behaviors valued in this context to demonstrate their fitness to compete with men imposes a personal cost on self-recognition (Chies, 2010). As suggested by the preceding categories, structural sexism, manifested in jokes or comments that delegitimize women in the workplace, feeds this condition, which ultimately results in anxiety and mental illness. From the standpoint of the sustainability indicators (De Vos et al., 2020), the findings suggest that, in the medium and long term, there is a tendency for the gradual deterioration of health and, even, of the sense of happiness, at the expense of the productivity demanded by the work sector (Spinelli-de-Sá et al., 2017).

Role conciliation

The difficulty of reconciling roles across different domains of the life-work relationship is a dilemma commonly experienced in women’s careers, which results in more irregular career patterns relative to men’s due to numerous interruptions (Mainiero & Gibson, 2018), commonly associated with the sexual division of labor (Hirata & Kergoat, 2007). Given that the interviewees are professionals at an early stage of their career growth and development, most of whom have not yet started a family, the dilemmas are also associated with the need for intense dedication to work, compounded by self-imposed pressure and the pursuit of credibility in a masculinized context. Table 5 characterizes the theme.

Table 5
Role conciliation

Codes	Interview excerpts
Primacy of work over personal life	“While I was studying, I felt great difficulty in balancing [life and work] because they called me at 11 at night. You never want to be the person who does not pick up, because you think: ‘a sale like this is much bigger than I am’. How could I be the person who does not respond? During that period, I had many anxiety attacks, coming home and crying all night” (Clara).
Excessive career dedication	“Looking back at my career, there were situations where I was one step away from burnout. I worked until late at night and still could not finish everything I had to do. It was neither pleasant nor sustainable. But, at the same time, there is corporate pressure for you to be willing to accept these things when needed. However, this has an expiry date. One cannot expect to be able to give 110% for one’s entire life, because at some point it will take its toll” (Helen).
Accountability for family care	“Women still have this issue of caring for parents, for example. At the moment they have any need, they come to us. We end up feeling responsible. Even if it is not exactly like that, perhaps they do not place this burden on us, but we place it on ourselves. We still place it on ourselves. Right now, I have two cats, and I am taking care of them as well. And there is also work. There is quite a lot for us to take care of. It is a toll that is not always physical, but emotional” (Maria Eduarda).
Infeasibility of motherhood	“I think about having children. How would I manage? I do not know. In fact, my leader does not have children, so I do not know. I work in a company that has one mother, but it is because there are few women. But I wonder whether it is due to the environment or to recruitment and selection. In total, women account for 23% of the company [a small-sized company], and only one is a mother. When I realized this, I was shocked. The other mother who was here left last week, and she said she left because she wanted remote work, in order to be able to spend time with her child” (Vitória).

Within the procedural perspective of the sustainable career concept (De Vos et al., 2020), the role-conciliation dilemma can be understood as resulting from contextual barriers posed by gender challenges. Clara embodies the primacy of work over personal life, reflected in the self-imposed pressure to attend to clients well beyond the end of the working day, so as not to have her image delegitimized in management’s eyes. Maria Eduarda’s account reinforces the internalization of the sexual division of labor by holding herself responsible for her parents. At the same time, Vitória expresses concern about expectations for motherhood (and its possible infeasibility), even though it is not an option in the short term. The imbalance among the sustainability indicators is the crux of the theme, suggesting that, over time, role-related challenges are likely to intensify and impede career continuation.

Motherhood penalty

The term “motherhood penalty” is used in economics to refer to gender barriers in the labor market, whereby many women, following the birth of their first child, opt to leave the labor market or seek companies that allow hybrid working arrangements, often leading to salary and/or benefit losses (Kleven et al., 2019). The interviewees manifest these dilemmas, which drive them to postpone or, in some cases, abandon the idea of motherhood, as observed in the literature (Coelho & Häyrén, 2023; Brandão & Lopes, 2017; Carvalho Neto et al., 2010). Table 6 presents these manifestations.

Table 6
Motherhood penalty

Codes	Interview excerpts
Uncertainties about the future	“There are two sides to the same coin, and we never know which side we will be on. Because we may be top performers, go on maternity leave having accomplished many things, and, even so, we have no certainty that we will return. We never have absolute certainties” (Clara).
Fear of loss of productivity	“I think it is a time when I will not be as available for work as I am today. Perhaps I will not deliver as much as I deliver today. I will not be as professional when I have another life to worry about, as I am today. I think about this a great deal. I am in a really good phase, I have had recent career growth, I am delivering on certain things. So, if I get pregnant today, I will lose all of this” (Isadora).
Difficulty balancing career and family	“I plan much more about how I will become a manager/director than about how I will have a child (...). We also know that there are women who get pregnant, take maternity leave, and are dismissed. Of course, the company says it helps, says it is flexible, but in practice, we are held accountable. I can see this in the home-office arrangement, too, which is supposedly flexible but, in practice, one works much more. So if today I already work twice as much, with a child it will be three times as much, to keep up with demands” (Franciele).

Even though there is legal protection for maternity, the interviewees express uncertainty about organizations’ responsibility to comply with these provisions. The concern about a potential loss of productivity is the primary factor driving reluctance to become a mother. Combined with the perception of an inability to reconcile family and career, these aspects reinforce the existence of organizational cultures that favor masculine career patterns and penalize women for motherhood (Trotter, 2017; Acker, 2012). The participants manifest this concern when they observe the absence of female leaders who are mothers, or when they recount situations in selection processes in which employers questioned them about maternity expectations. It is worth highlighting the influence of the temporal dimension (De Vos et al., 2020; Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015), given that the participants are at a stage of career development, prioritizing decisions that favor the professional sphere. However, over time, the biological factor will inevitably bring the dilemma to a decision point (Coelho & Häyrén, 2023; Brandão & Lopes, 2017; Carvalho Neto et al., 2010; Fraga & Rocha-de-Oliveira, 2020), reinforcing the complexity inherent in the contextual gender barriers.

Comparison with men

As a strategy to overcome workplace discrimination, participants either sought or were driven by their supervisors to adopt postures associated with masculinity, as expressed by Franciele. This dilemma is, therefore, intrinsic to the lack of representation in leadership positions in the financial sector. Careers that carry a historical configuration as feminine or masculine domains, such as those in finance, bear gender-attributed meanings (Federici, 2021; Chies, 2010). Accordingly, in order to attain prestige in their professional practice, women must adopt “attributes valued in the work context of that career, and to these they must adapt, since such aspects are typically encouraged or even directed toward men in their upbringing” (Chies, 2010, p. 529). The use of men’s “own language” (understood here in its broad sense, encompassing communication and attitude) is one example of these dynamics. Table 7 presents these inclinations.

Table 7
Comparison with men

Codes	Interview excerpts
Judgment based on gender	“I fear not being taken seriously. Often, a woman reacts the same way a man would, and she is judged while he is applauded. If she is angry, it is because she is PMS-ing; the man is angry because he is very stressed. If the woman does not like poor results, she is very annoying, which is why she is demanding. A man, however, is demanding because he is very good at what he does. So I am afraid of these comparisons and unfair judgments” (Rafaela).
Penalization of feminine behaviors	“I have already received some feedback that I could not be so gentle, could not speak the way I speak. That I had to assert myself more aggressively. No one said it in those words, but that is what I understood. It seems that one cannot be a kind and well-liked person, and when one is a woman in the workplace one has to be firm-handed, and only that” (Franciele).
Devaluation of feminine behaviors	“It seems that women leaders could not talk to anyone in order to get ahead [in their careers]. And when it came to celebrations, they would open up a little, because, whether one likes it or not, they were outside the company, it is personal life. And everyone would say: ‘look at the boss drinking’, ‘look at the boss dancing’. But I never heard anything like that said about male leaders. In my current company, all leaders are men. There is only one woman leader. She laughs a lot, and in meetings everyone says: ‘here comes the little laugh to brighten up the meeting’, as if she were only there to brighten up the meeting” (Cássia).

Identity is a central theme in career literature, as an aspect linked to perceptions of happiness, which means being authentic to one’s intrinsic career and life values (Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015). The dilemma experienced by the interviewees threatens the participants’ authenticity, suggesting an imbalance in the happiness indicator. A reactive agency is thus observed, grounded in constant adaptability that, over time, may lead to anxiety and/or organizational disengagement due to the constant need for reinvention. This situation suggests cycles unfavorable to career sustainability (De Vos et al., 2020). Fatigue is, moreover, a recurring theme in the interviews and may be associated with declining health and well-being. In some cases, participants admit they are considering moving to a field of practice more aligned with their personal values.

Relationship with the dimensions of sustainable careers

Considering the concept of sustainable careers (Van der Heijden & De Vos, 2015), the challenges identified in this research are not confined to isolated episodes in the interviewees’ professional trajectories but rather reveal broader relationships among context, agency, time, and meaning. Framework 8 synthesizes these connections by showing how credibility difficulties, self-imposed pressure, role conciliation, the motherhood penalty, and comparison with men bear on the sustainability of the interviewees’ careers, and how these factors simultaneously affect indicators of health, happiness, and productivity. Table 8 summarizes these relationships.

Table 8
Gender challenges from the perspective of the sustainable career concept

Theme	Time	Context	Agency/meaning
Credibility difficulties	Temporal influence on the current conception of career. The trajectories constructed are guided by the constant intrinsic need to establish credibility in a predominantly masculine context. This influence shapes career decisions and behavioral patterns. Decisions involving advancement are rushed, and the wait for credibility creates a sense of urgency. Career sustainability is associated with the extent to which participants perceive themselves as achieving this credibility.	An unfavorable context for sustainability. Contextual influence manifests through the existence of a patriarchal social system reflected in organizations as a subtle process of gender (and other related markers, such as race) discrimination, culturally normalized in organizations through the naturalization of comments about women’s capabilities. Sexual harassment is also normalized in daily organizational life. These contextual elements introduce “negative” forces that undermine career sustainability.	Primarily reactive agency. Given a degree of organizational omission that, in the participants’ perception, characterizes the financial sector labor market, women are left to devise their own coping strategies. Adaptability and a constant pursuit of knowledge to legitimize their credibility in the organizations where they work are the primary strategies adopted. A process of re-signification of career trajectories emerges from the negative experiences encountered. The rationalization of experienced discrimination is engaged in the pursuit of sustainability. In the short term, this appears effective, but as their experience in the sector increases, participants express fatigue at the constant need for validation.
Self--imposed pressure	Temporal influence manifested in the intense work dedication present throughout all, or a significant part, of women’s careers. In the short term, career-driven dedication contributes to professional credibility. In the medium and long term, however, it proves unsustainable by compromising health and well-being.	A context of structural sexism that undervalues women’s achievements. The financial sector labor market context, which drives the constant development of employability competencies, creates conditions detrimental to career sustainability.	Individual agency is characterized by a proactive pursuit of experiences that increase organizational performance and peer recognition. There is a paradox in the question of agency: while intense career dedication is fundamental in the financial sector, this drive may lead to unsustainable career patterns. The sense-making process is driven by feelings of inferiority resulting from structural sexism, as observed in references to impostor syndrome.
Role conciliation: life versus career	A dilemma that highlights how the temporal dimension of a career influences role conciliation. E.g.: difficulty in balancing work and university studies (during the training phase); difficulty in balancing career and family life (when starting a family); or career and leisure.	Contexts with structural barriers related to the sexual division of labor that undermine career sustainability. The intertwining of life and career domains influences sustainability. Gender issues, such as care roles within families and with parents, compound the contextual implications of careers in the financial sector.	Individual agency is conditioned by the roles women assume outside work. Sense-making in relation to careers is intertwined with aspects of personal life itself, raising dilemmas about which domain to prioritize (personal or professional). Sense-making is permeated by the context of the sexual division of labor, which places implicit responsibilities on women related to domestic and family care.
Motherhood penalty: to be or not to be a mother	A dilemma intrinsic to the temporal dimension: as time passes, motherhood becomes an increasingly considered option in one’s career. The fear of long-term regret over the decision whether or not to become a mother is a constant concern.	A structural work context that privileges total career dedication, without the interruption demanded by motherhood. The few female leadership references do not have children. Legislation, policies, and organizational practices aim to reduce these inequalities, but there are concerns that they may not be complied with. Expectations about motherhood also stem from the sexual division of labor, which, beyond biological aspects, exerts pressure on this decision.	The individual agency required to overcome this dilemma is accompanied by insecurities about the future of one’s career and by concern about the possibility of having to postpone or forego motherhood. Worries about loss of productivity or about dedication to work impede the decision to pursue motherhood and lead to career prioritization. Sense-making is permeated by contextual barriers related to the penalty for choosing motherhood, leading to dismissal or the inability to perform professional activities adequately.
Comparison with men	Time in career development assumes different dimensions for men and women. Men at the beginning of their careers are more likely to advance than women, even when women are more qualified.	The context indicates less sustainable trajectories for women, insofar as comparison with men imposes psychological suffering to comply with its demands. Even attempts at conformity may not be sufficient to advance within organizations, suggesting structural contextual barriers to career sustainability.	Individual agency is conditioned by the need to behave and present oneself with attributes valued in men, which can lead to a sense of non-recognition. Furthermore, participants perceive a need to calibrate their professional conduct and career investments to external parameters to remain competitive and credible. This effort leads to gradual attrition and, over time, can result in unsustainable career trajectories.

DISCUSSION

Career sustainability of women in the financial sector

We analyzed the trajectories of women aspiring to prominent positions in financial sector organizations. We also identified the challenges they face arising from the social construction of gender, in light of the concept of sustainable careers. The “time” dimension takes on different meanings in the analysis. Despite the naturalized expectation of intense work dedication, participants perceive that they must put in twice as much effort to advance within organizations as men do, even when they possess the same competencies for the position. Their careers are thus longer than those of men at earlier stages of development, as they lack access to leadership and management opportunities, reinforcing the “glass ceiling” in the financial sector (Woida & Oliveira, 2018). This scenario reinforces the gender barriers existing in STEM careers, where women face systemic disadvantages in attaining higher hierarchical levels within organizations (Bird & Rhoton, 2021).

In “context”, the structural condition of gender inequality, characteristic of the Brazilian labor market, continuously imposes conditions that are unfavorable to career sustainability. The sexual division of labor manifests as a systemic barrier in organizational relations, expressed both through discriminatory behaviors naturalized in daily organizational life via “jokes” that belittle women’s roles, and through restricted access to promotion and leadership opportunities limited to men. This scenario is commonly observed in STEM careers, reinforcing organizations as spaces for the reproduction of the patriarchal system in which women are under a constant disadvantage of opportunity (Bird & Rhoton, 2021). Furthermore, we observed that the context of the sexual division of labor is internalized by these women, who develop feelings of inferiority for occupying a role that, within this framework, is not considered to belong to them. The consequences of this structure manifest at the individual level in the perception of incapacity in work performance (self-imposed pressure), in the constant search for credibility and prestige, in the feeling of being an “impostor” (Feenstra et al., 2020), as well as in the lack of growth opportunity for women within organizations. The underrepresentation of women in leadership positions indicates these conditions. The gender dilemmas are, moreover, the result of subjective coping strategies in response to these adversities, contributing to career unsustainability.

When analyzing the dimensions of “agency and meaning,” it is observed that, in the financial sector, women tend to pursue their careers more reactively than men in comparable conditions, engaging in ongoing processes of adaptation and conformity to context. A tendency is observed among the interviewees to calibrate their behavior in accordance with what is considered “acceptable” to men, such as aspects of aggressiveness and affectivity. The possibility of becoming victims of harassment also affects how much they can reveal of their personal lives when relating in the work environment, generating constant vigilance over how they will be interpreted by men and the group (Hryniewicz & Vianna, 2018; Chies, 2010). Motherhood, although not immediately sought by these young professionals, raises future concerns about the responsibilities associated with gender roles and the possibility of continuing their desired careers (Coelho & Häyrén, 2023; Brandão & Lopes, 2017).

Finally, in an approximation of the sustainability indicators, participants exhibit a persistent imbalance due to the continuous pressure to increase productivity as a condition for credibility in a predominantly masculine field of practice. Over time, this dynamic systematically affects perceptions of happiness, manifesting as discontent over the difficulty of reconciling career and life, as well as the urgent need to postpone—or even deny—motherhood to devote oneself to a career. There are also indications that health is gradually being compromised, reflected in accounts of anxiety attacks and stressful conditions resulting from intense work dedication.

FINAL CONSIDERATIONS

The study contributes empirically by revealing gender inequalities and discrimination in the financial sector, thereby enabling the proposal of initiatives to advance diversity and inclusion policies and practices. We observed that although organizations announce benefits that, in their conception, address the specific needs of women (such as hybrid or remote work arrangements or a discursive openness to the decision to pursue motherhood), they are generally negligent in implementing effective initiatives to combat gender inequalities.

Thus, the findings reveal the superficiality of these initiatives, enabling reflection on the formulation of policies and practices that foster gender equity. Situations of sexual harassment, the postponement of promotions in order to first benefit a male professional with the same qualifications, the lack of representation in leadership positions, and the preference for hiring younger women without children are among the issues identified, all of which can be addressed. The combating of these issues has gained prominence, given the growing valorization of ESG (Environmental, Social, and Governance) policies—the environmental, social, and governance triad. In this regard, the reflections arising from the study may provide the basis for initiatives specifically aimed at promoting more equitable and less discriminatory gender contexts, aligning with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (Goal 5: gender equity) (Sustainable Development Goals, 2026).

In the theoretical domain, the study contributes to advancing career research by adding to existing contextual perspectives a conceptually integrative perspective for the analysis of professional trajectories, moving beyond the behavioral emphasis, that is, beyond the expected behaviors, for the construction of successful careers in organizations. Furthermore, the findings reinforce existing studies on STEM careers (Bird & Rhoton, 2021; Keune et al., 2019) that point to the persistence of gender barriers in occupations with predominantly male workforces, while offering a new understanding through the lens of sustainability.

The sustainability perspective is considered innovative and still emerging in career studies (De Vos et al., 2020), and the need for empirical data to substantiate its assumptions, as documented in this study, is acknowledged. More specifically, the study strengthens the field by exploring the gender discussion, still insufficiently addressed in the literature on the subject (Kossek & Ollier-Malaterre, 2020), and by emphasizing the South American reality, a region in which gender discrimination is more pronounced than in European countries, the theoretical birthplace of the sustainable careers discussion (Van der Heijden et al., 2020).

The study presents, as limitations, the influence of race, age, and social class among the interviewees, which facilitates entry into the financial sector, albeit with caveats. For future studies, we suggest exploring intersectional barriers that may exacerbate the identified inequalities. Other possibilities include investigating the trajectories of women in other STEM career occupations, as well as, in line with Mainiero and Gibson (2018), including professionals at different career stages, such as those in leadership positions or approaching retirement.

Open Data:

data is available on demand from referees.

Acknowledgments

We acknowledge the financial support of the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPQ [Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico]), grant no. 154409/2025-1.

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Correspondence

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Camila Vieira Müller, Ipiranga Avenue, 6681, Building 11, Partenon, Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. ZIP code: 90619-900. E-mail: [e-mail]

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EDITORIAL BOARD

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Marcia Juliana D’Angelo and Almir Martins Vieira

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Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  24 Aug 2026
• Date of issue
  2026

History

• Received
  08 Jan 2026
• Accepted
  04 May 2026