Extractivism of the Adansonia Digitata L. fruit in Changara, Mozambique: socioeconomic structure and community challenges

Extrativismo do fruto de Adansonia Digitata L. em Changara, Moçambique: estrutura socioeconômica e desafios comunitários

Abstract

Abstract  The research analyzed the socioeconomic aspects of the structure of Adansonia digitata L. fruit extraction in the Changara district, Tete province, Mozambique, where the species is a strategic resource for the subsistence of rural communities. The A. digitata tree, locally known as embondeiro, produces a fruit called malambe, which is sold fresh, as pulp, or powder, for food, medicinal, and cultural uses. A qualitative-quantitative approach was adopted, with semi-structured interviews conducted with the different actors involved in harvesting, transporting, and selling the fruit. The sample was defined using the snowball technique, totaling 154 extractivists distributed across different villages in the district. The results show that the prices charged in the villages are lower than those observed along National Highway No. 7 (EN7) and by the regional purchasing company, compromising the profitability of the activity. It was found that the income obtained, especially from the sale of whole fruit in the villages, does not fully cover production costs, limiting it to meeting the basic needs of the families involved.

Keywords:
forest product; baobab; community economy; production chain; sustainability

Resumo

Resumo  O estudo analisou os aspectos socioeconômicos da estrutura do extrativismo do fruto de Adansonia digitata L. no distrito de Changara, província de Tete, Moçambique, onde a espécie constitui recurso estratégico para a subsistência das comunidades rurais. O baobá, localmente denominado embondeiro, produz o fruto conhecido como malambe, comercializado nas formas in natura, polpa e pó, com usos alimentares, medicinais e culturais. Adotou-se abordagem quali-quantitativa, com aplicação de entrevistas semiestruturadas aos diferentes atores envolvidos na coleta, transporte e comercialização. A amostra foi definida pela técnica de bola de neve, totalizando 154 extrativistas distribuídos em distintas aldeias do distrito. Os resultados evidenciam que os preços praticados nas aldeias são inferiores aos observados ao longo da Estrada Nacional nº 7 (EN7) e pela empresa compradora regional, comprometendo a rentabilidade da atividade. Constatou-se que os rendimentos obtidos, sobretudo na venda do fruto inteiro nas aldeias, não cobrem integralmente os custos de produção, limitando-se ao atendimento de necessidades básicas das famílias envolvidas.

Palavras-chave:
produto florestal; baobá; economia comunitária; cadeia produtiva; sustentabilidade

1 Introduction

In Africa, non-timber forest products (NTFPs) play a crucial role in the livelihoods of rural populations, contributing to food security, community economies, and reducing vulnerability during periods of scarcity (Jäckering et al., 2019). These products, such as vegetables, fruits, and medicinal plants, provide essential vitamins and minerals, promoting diverse diets and ensuring vital sources of nutrition for impoverished and vulnerable families (Mwangi et al., 2023).

In various African communities, including Mozambique, endemic plants are used for therapeutic purposes, often without the necessary scientific knowledge regarding potential risks, which highlights their importance in public health, especially in contexts where formal services are scarce (Kamatou et al., 2011). In this context, the extraction of the baobab (Adansonia digitata L.), known locally as embondeiro, stands out. This species is widely used by Mozambican communities as a source of income and socio-economic development. Beyond the economic benefits, its exploitation involves significant cultural, social, and environmental aspects, which highlights the importance of the species for these communities (Valente, 2017).

The main objective of this study is to analyze the structure of A. digitata (baobab)/malambe fruit harvesting in the district of Changara, with a focus on the socio-economic factors that influence its sustainability. Specifically, the study aimed to: (i) characterize the main actors involved in the different stages of the value chain, identifying their roles, commercial practices and socio-economic relationships; (ii) assess the economic viability of baobab fruit harvesting for rural communities in the region; and (iii) evaluate the main challenges and opportunities for strengthening the sustainability of the value chain, considering factors such as market access, infrastructure, production costs and public policies. The research was guided by the hypothesis that the current organization of community-based baobab fruit harvesting does not ensure the sustainability of the activity due to environmental pressures, a lack of structural incentives and low economic returns for the families involved. The study is of great significance because it contributes directly or indirectly to several of the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in particular SDG 1 (No Poverty), by addressing income-generating opportunities for rural households; SDG 2 (Zero Hunger), through the sustainable use of forest resources that support food security; SDG 8 (Decent Work and Economic Growth), by assessing the economic viability and dynamics of the baobab extraction value chain; o SDG 12 (Responsible Consumption and Production), by promoting the sustainable management and use of non-timber forest products; and o SDG 15 (Life on Land), through its emphasis on or impact on biodiversity conservation and the sustainable use of forest ecosystems.

Adansonia digitata, also known as the baobab tree, is a multifunctional tree typical of semi-arid regions of sub-Saharan Africa. It is valued for its edible leaves, pulp, and seeds, as well as for its use in fibers, forage, and traditional medicine (Gebauer et al., 2016). The pulp of the fruit is rich in potassium, calcium, and vitamin C, while the leaves have a high vitamin A, protein, and iron content (Stadlmayr et al., 2013; Muthai et al., 2017). In Mozambique, the baobab is mainly found in the provinces of Tete, Manica, and Cabo Delgado, with a smaller presence in Nampula, Inhambane, and Niassa.

In the Changara district, province of Tete, since ancient times, the A. digitata has been considered an emblematic tree, not only for its multiple uses, but also for its high potential for domestication (Kehlenbeck et al., 2013). In addition to contributing significantly to food security and generating some family income, this species stands out for its high potential for adding value and the possibility of developing new products with some profit margins (van Dijk & Trienekens, 2012; Mwema et al., 2013).

In this region, rural communities are intensely engaged in the extraction and commercialization of baobab fruit, whether in the form of whole fruit, pulp, or powder. Collection and transportation are carried out using basins, plastic buckets, and bags, both for sale in the villages themselves and along National Road No. 7 (EN7), which crosses the district of Changara. This activity constitutes a diversified value chain, involving different economic agents such as extractivists, traders, processors, distributors, and consumers. A system of interactions that ranges from plant management to processing and final consumption.

2 Theoretical Foundations

NTFPs occupy a strategic position in the rural economies of countries in the Global South, especially in contexts marked by high socioeconomic vulnerability, low productive diversification, and limited integration into formal markets. The literature shows that NTFPs contribute simultaneously to food security, complementary income generation, and the resilience of rural livelihoods, especially in semi-arid and dry forest regions of Africa (Shackleton et al., 2011; Jäckering et al., 2019). However, these benefits are often conditioned by the structure of value chains, power asymmetries between actors, and the institutional fragility that characterizes community-based economies.

In the field of rural economics, plant extraction is understood as a hybrid production strategy, situated between the social reproduction of peasant families and subordinate market integration (Ellis, 2000; Schneider, 2016a). Unlike consolidated agro-industrial chains, NTFP extraction tends to be characterized by low capitalization, heavy reliance on family labor, informal transactions, and low value addition at the production base, factors that limit extractors' appropriation of economic gains (Belcher & Schreckenberg, 2007; Anjos, 2020).

In this context, the analysis of NTFP value chains has been widely used to understand how economic value is distributed among the different links collection, processing, transportation, marketing, and consumption and how costs, risks, and benefits are allocated throughout the chain (Kaplinsky & Morris, 2016; Trienekens, 2011). Recent studies indicate that, in chains based on community extractivism, primary producers tend to capture the smallest share of the final value, while intermediaries and external agents concentrate the largest gains, especially when processing and access to more dynamic markets occur outside the territories of origin (André, 2025a; Cruz & Schneider, 2022).

From an institutional economics perspective, the economic sustainability of baobab harvesting depends on a range of structural factors, such as access to infrastructure, collective organization, producers’ access to market information, transparency in price formation, and public policies supporting the community forestry economy (Siqueira, 2018; Wallace et al., 2022). The absence of these elements tends to reinforce relationships of dependency, informality, and low prices paid at source, a phenomenon widely documented in the literature on NTFPs in Africa and Latin America (Shackleton & Pandey, 2014; Mwangi et al., 2023).

In addition, recent literature has highlighted that simply intensifying extraction without management, domestication, or assisted regeneration strategies can generate ecological risks, especially for slow-growing species whose reproduction is sensitive to climate variations, such as the baobab tree (Kehlenbeck et al., 2013; Lisao, 2017). Climate change, associated with increased rainfall variability and the loss of natural disperser habitats, further exacerbates production instability, directly affecting fruit supply and household income (Afonso, 2020a; Krauss et al., 2023).

From the perspective of sustainable rural development, it is essential to link baobab extraction to integrated strategies for adding local value, diversifying markets, strengthening the solidarity economy, and valuing traditional knowledge (Schneider, 2016b; Siqueira, 2018). Studies indicate that local processing, such as transforming pulp into powder, can significantly increase extractivists' incomes, provided it is accompanied by technical training, collective organization, and access to fairer markets (Vial et al., 2009). Thus, the socio-economic analysis of A. digitata fruit harvesting in the Changara district forms part of a broader debate on the limitations and potential of NWFPs as a rural development strategy. By highlighting the cost structure, price formation, the distribution of value along the production chain, and the difficulties in accessing markets for the commercialization of their production (Zidora et al., 2022).

3 Methodology

The study was conducted in the Changara District (Figure 1), which belongs to the Province of Tete and is located south of the Zambezi River. The district covers an area of 5,633 km² and consists of three administrative posts: Luenha, Chioco, and Mavara, which are subdivided into nine localities: Luenha-Sede, Dzunga, Nhautete, Mazue, Chipembere, N'Chenga, Baruma, Cachembe, and Mufa-Conde (Changara District Government 2017).

Figure 1
Map of the study area located in Tete Province, in the central region of Mozambique.

The estimated population of the Changara district is approximately 123,056 inhabitants, with an average population density of 21.8 inhabitants per square kilometer (National Institute of Statistics, 2019). Most of the population lives in rural areas, with low socioeconomic levels and whose main means of subsistence are subsistence agriculture, livestock, hunting, fishing, and small-scale trade (Mozambique, 2015).

3.1 Data Collection

This is an applied study with descriptive and exploratory objectives (Prodanov & Freitas, 2013), seeking to understand the socio-economic sustainability of A. digitata fruit harvesting in the district of Changara, as well as the main challenges facing the production chain (Gil, 2008; Vergara, 2016). The approach adopted was predominantly quantitative, complemented by qualitative elements obtained through semi-structured interviews and direct field observation, enabling the analysis of economic indicators and the perceptions of participants involved in the activity (Minayo, 2014; Creswell, 2014).

The research was conducted between 28 May and 18 June 2025 in various villages in the Changara district, involving 154 respondents linked to the harvesting and marketing of A. digitata fruit, including rural extractivists, heads of households, local intermediaries and representatives of the company Malambe Commercial. Socio-economic information was collected, such as gender, age, educational attainment, experience in the activity, income and economic dependence on harvesting, as well as variables related to production and trade dynamics, including volume harvested, prices, costs, storage, seasonality and marketing channels.

The sampling method combined non-probability and probability techniques. Initially, snowball sampling was used, as it is suitable for populations that are difficult to identify (Goodman, 1961; Vinuto, 2014), followed by simple random selection among the participants identified in each village, with the aim of increasing the representativeness of the sample and reducing bias (Cochran, 1977; Gil, 2008). Data collection was carried out through semi-structured interviews, direct observation and field notes, using questionnaires with open-ended and closed-ended questions administered in Portuguese and, predominantly, in the local Shona and Nyungwe languages. Prior to the final application, a pre-test was conducted to validate the instrument and ensure the clarity of the questions (Marconi & Lakatos, 2017). The data were organized into spreadsheets and subjected to descriptive analysis, in accordance with ethical principles of anonymity, confidentiality and voluntary participation of the interviewees.

This study was submitted for review by the Human Research Ethics Committee (CEP) of the Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro and was approved under opinion no. 7,269,078 of 9 December 2024 and CAAE 82790524. 600000311, in accordance with the guidelines of Resolution No. 466/2012 of the National Health Council (CNS).

3.2 Data analysis

Based on the data obtained, the following economic variables were calculated: revenue, total variable cost, total fixed cost, and gross profit, using Microsoft Excel software, with the aim of assessing the profitability of the extraction of A. digitata fruit in the region. Variable or direct costs represent expenses that depend directly on the volume of production and, therefore, vary according to the intensity of the extraction activity in each fruit collection campaign. Fixed costs, on the other hand, are mainly associated with machinery and permanent structures used in the production process, including the periodic maintenance of these resources and other tools subject to depreciation over time, as highlighted by Soares & Gabriel (2019).

In this study, the items that make up variable and fixed costs (Table 1) were calculated based on a proportion of 100 kg of fruit, in order to standardize the analyses between the different stages of the extraction activity. Variable costs consisted of items directly related to the collection, processing, and marketing processes, including labor, food, fuel, bags, tarps, basins, buckets, and transportation. The total fixed cost (CF) was defined as the sum of costs that do not change with production volume, according to Equation 1:

$$CF=\sum Ci$$ (1)

where Ci represents each fixed component.

Table 1
Items that compose variable and fixed costs

Items included as variable costs	Items included as fixed costs
Labor	Barn construction
Fuel	Bicycle
Food	Motorcycle
Raffia bags	Machete
Cover tarpaulin of 12(m2)	Wheelbarrow
Bucket (10 liters)	Cart
Basin (20 liters)	Motorcycle maintenance
Transport (to the village)	Bicycle maintenance
Transport (out of the village)	-

• Source: Prepared by the authors

The main items identified as fixed costs in the extraction of baobab fruit were: Lifan motorcycles (models B, D, and Kamel), vehicle maintenance, carts, machetes, tarps, wheelbarrows, and home storage structures (barns) (see Table 1).

The total variable cost (CV) was calculated based on the average of the values reported in the interviews, followed by the average of the sum of the main components, such as labor, fuel, food, and bag purchases. To calculate revenue, it was necessary to obtain the unit prices applied to whole fruit, pulp, and powder, considering the different marketing channels, such as villages, the margins of the EN7 highway, and the Malambe Comercial company. Total revenues refer to the average income generated from the sale of baobab fruit, which allows the economic viability of the extractive activity to be assessed. Mathematically, revenue is represented by the following Equation 2.

$$R=P\times Q$$ (2)

where: R = total revenue; P = price per unit and Q = quantity sold. The calculation of gross profit along the value chain of A. digitata fruit was performed according to Equation 3:

$$LB=\text{R}-CV$$ (3)

where: LB = gross profit; R = total revenue and CV = total variable cost, as it measures how much the activity generates after paying only the costs directly linked to production.

Information was collected on the quantities sold, the prices charged at each stage, and the main costs, including transportation expenses. The data on prices and volumes obtained from the interviewees represent approximate estimates, since the trade in whole fruit and pulp occurs predominantly informally in the early stages of the chain (in the villages), without standardization of units of measurement. Added to this is the natural variability of the fruit, which varies considerably in size, shape, and pulp proportion (Gebauer & Luedeling, 2013).

In order to reduce these limitations, direct measurements were taken at different stages of the chain, enabling the validation and adjustment of the information provided by the research participants. It was observed that the whole fruit is predominantly sold in 50 kg bags to the company Malambe Commercial, at an average price of US$ 2.35 per bag. On average, the amount of pulp contained in each bag corresponds to 16 kg.

In addition, index numbers were calculated, which are statistical instruments used to compare variations over time. These indices allowed for a summarized analysis of how prices and quantities offered and sold evolved between the different periods studied. Thus, it was possible to identify trends of increase or decrease, seasonal fluctuations, and changes in market economic conditions, offering a more integrated view of the product's commercial dynamics (Miranda et al., 2024).

Furthermore, correlation analyses between price indices and quantities traded indices were performed in R (version ≥ 4.0), using Pearson and Spearman coefficients as appropriate. These analyses aimed to understand the relationships between supply and demand in the A. digitata fruit market, based on standard statistical methods (Gujarati & Porter, 2009). This analysis made it possible to verify how price variations influence the sales volume of baobab-derived products, such as whole fruit, pulp, and powder in the studied region.

4 Results and Discussion

The harvesting of baobab fruit in the Changara region is an extractive activity that provides supplementary income for the families involved. However, although it represents an important socioeconomic resource for local communities, this practice does not contribute significantly to the full conservation of forest structure and biodiversity (Azevedo et al., 2020). It is a predominantly family activity, in which almost all members of the family unit participate, with the exception, in many cases, of adult men and young children.

4.1 Socioeconomic characteristics

A total of 154 extractivists were interviewed, all of whom belonged to rural communities and the vast majority of whom depended directly on the baobab tree for their livelihood, making various uses of the plant. It was observed that the majority of respondents were female, representing 92.2% of respondents, a similar proportion in all locations evaluated. In addition, 59.74% of participants had no formal education or had never attended school. Most were unemployed, engaging mainly in subsistence agriculture, animal husbandry, and baobab extraction as their main source of income (60.39%). It is noteworthy that 62.99% of respondents have been extracting baobab for more than 10 years, collecting and selling the fruit both in villages and elsewhere in the region as a means of securing their livelihood. The socioeconomic characteristics of the participants, who come from different rural communities in the Changara region, are summarized in Figure 2a, b, c, d.

Figure 2
Socioeconomic characteristics of the respondents.

This research confirmed that baobab fruit extraction is predominantly carried out by women and children, while men tend to focus on other activities, such as hunting, agriculture, and livestock farming, as also observed by Lisao (2017). In the communities studied, each family has an average of six members, and almost all of them participate in some way in the collection. Although men are less involved in the direct collection of the fruit, they take on important roles in other stages of the value chain, especially in transportation, distribution, and larger-scale marketing, usually along roads and at strategic points in the village of Changara.

4.2 Levels of production and distribution of the product

In Mozambique, the fruit of A. digitata is one of the most abundant wild fruits and is often found in local markets, highlighting the wide availability of this product in the region (Krauss et al., 2023). The province of Tete stands out in particular, where in recent years there has been significant growth in the production and marketing of the fruit. Figure 3 shows the quantities in tons of this fruit sold in the province of Tete over the last five years, according to data from the National Agency for Environmental Quality Control (AQUA), the body currently responsible for monitoring the sale of forest products (Figure 3).

Figure 3
Quantities in tons of marketed Adansonia digitata fruit in Tete Province.

Moreover, with regard to 2021, the lack of concrete data on A. digitata fruit extraction is largely due to the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, which has compromised various economic and social activities in rural communities. During this period, many families stopped going to the forests to collect fruit, focusing mainly on subsistence agricultural production. In addition, the lack of systematic records by AQUA, the agency currently responsible for monitoring the distribution of forest products in the province, made it even more difficult to obtain accurate information at that time. At the district level in Changara, the District Economic Activities Services (SDAE), particularly the area responsible for forestry, do not have an organized database with records of the distribution of this product over the last five years, which highlights the lack of reliable local statistics on this NTFP, based only on estimates made at the provincial level.

Thus, in general, the region has seen a continuous decline in the amount of fruit collected, especially in the first months of each year, as a direct reflection of increased rainfall and the aggravating effects of the climate crisis. Figure 4 illustrates the responses provided by extractivists regarding the factors contributing to the decline in the quality and quantity of A. digitata fruit in the region under study.

Figure 4
Factors Contributing to the Decline in Fruit Quality and Quantity According to Extractivists.

Extractors listed several factors contributing to the low quality and quantity of baobab fruit, most notably the abundance of rainfall (48%), followed by habitat loss (20%) by the main disseminators of this species, which are elephants. These factors have contributed to the reduction in the quality of the fruit collected (Afonso, 2020b). In this region, these external factors, especially climatic ones, can contribute to a significant loss in baobab production, impacting the livelihoods of these communities.

4.3 Costs associated with the baobab fruit value chain for 100 kg

It was found that commercialization occurs through three main channels (Figure 5): (a) direct sale to middlemen in villages, usually carried out at community points; (b) sale to the Malambe Commercial company, with the product being transported to the Changara district headquarters or its reference points; and (c) informal sale along National Road Number 7 (EN7), one of the most strategic points for distribution.

Figure 5
Marketing of malambe in the Changara region, Source: Authors (2025). Figure (a) – Direct sale to middlemen in the villages. Figure (b) – Sale to Malambe Comercial Company . Figure (c) – Informal sale along the EN7 highway,

In this marketing activity, production costs were estimated based on information provided by interviewees and then compared with prices in the reference market, specifically the market in the village of Changara. The analysis used the production and marketing of 100 kg of fruit pulp as a standard unit, allowing for a consistent assessment of the cost structure and economic viability of the activity (see Table 2).

Table 2
Variable costs along the value chain

Items	Unit measurement/Quantity	Values/costs
Labor	1 person	US$3.14
Fuel	2 Liters	US$2.82
Food	1 meal	US$2.35
Bags (50kg)	2 units	US$0.94
Cover tarpaulin (12m2)	1 unit	US$3.14
Bucket	1 unit	US$1.25
Basin	1 unit	US$1.57
Transport (to the village)	1 bag of 100kg	US$1.57
Transport (out of the village)	1 bag of 100kg	US$3.92

• Source: Prepared by the authors

In the specific case of sales to Malambe Commercial, logistics work in a particular way: the company sends empty bags to a point in the district, focusing on the village of Chiwai. At this point, some extractors deliver bags filled with whole fruit, which are later collected by the company for commercial purposes. Figure 6 illustrates the main activities along the value chain in the communities where in (a) is the breaking of the fruit and the measurement of the pulp in basins (b), from collection, breaking of the fruit, to the measurement of the pulp in basins, demonstrating the effort required to transform the baobab fruit into a product ready for commercialization.

Figure 6
Breaking of malambe fruit (a) and pulp measurement in basins (b),

Fixed costs are characterized by items that do not vary according to production volume, remaining constant even in the face of different collection levels (Figure 7), where (a) Fixed costs are for wheelbarrows and (b) is the barn used to store malambe. Among these, the expenses with depreciation of machinery, equipment, and other permanent structures stand out, as defined by Siqueira (2018). Thus, these represent unavoidable expenses, regardless of the quantity extracted, which fall directly on the extractivists.

Figure 7
Fixed costs of wheelbarrow (a) and barn (b),

Another relevant item was the carts used to transport the fruit, whose value varies according to size and with a useful life of between 4 and 5 years. In addition, the frequent use of wheelbarrows, both plastic and metal, was verified, with average prices of US$23.53 and US$26.66, respectively (see Table 3).

Table 3
Fixed costs along the value chain

Items	Average value	Useful life (years)
Barn	US$62.74	10
Bicycle	US$109.79	6
Motorcycle	US$846.93	7
Cover tarpaulin	US$47.05	4
Machete	US$4.71	5
Wheelbarrow	US$26.66	6
Cart	US$94.10	5
Motorcycle maintenance	US$5.88	_
Bicycle maintenance	US$0.54	_

• Source: Prepared by the authors

To summarize the results obtained, Table 4 shows the variable costs per 100 kg, the total fixed cost, the annual fixed cost calculated by dividing the fixed cost by five years, corresponding to the maximum useful life of the components used, and the total annual cost per 100 kg. This organization allows for an objective assessment of the profitability of extractivism in the three main places of sale: in the villages, in sales to the Malambe Commercial company, and in sales along the EN7 highway (see Table 4).

Table 4
Variable costs per 100kg and Total annual cost per 100 kg along the value chain.

Place of sale	Variable costs (per 100 kg)	Total fixed cost	Annual fixed cost (÷ 3 years)	Annual total cost per 100 kg
In the villages (small communities)	8.16	318.38	106.13	114.29
Malambe Company	11.29	1.165.86	388.61	399.91
Along the EN7 street / Vila	10.35	999.22	333.08	343.43

• Source: Prepared by the authors

The costs presented refer to the production and sale of 100 kg of malambe. Considering that each family produces, on average, 300 to 500 kg per harvest/year, the total values per family can vary substantially according to the place of sale, reflecting differences in travel, time, logistics, quality requirements, and purchasing power of buyers. The annual fixed cost in this study was estimated by dividing the total fixed cost over a period of three years, assuming this interval to be the average useful life of the fixed assets used in the collection, storage, and marketing of A. digitata fruit.

In relation to the total annual cost, after dividing the annual fixed cost components by their useful life, it was found that in the villages (US$106.13), the values represent the lowest investment base, resulting from the use of simple tools and minimal infrastructure. On the EN7/Vila Road (US$333.08), fixed costs were higher, probably linked to expenses with storage structures, own transportation, or maintenance of points of sale. The highest fixed costs were observed at Malambe Company (US$388.61). Although the company provides bags and transportation in some cases, when this does not occur, costs increase significantly, highlighting the need for greater logistical capacity, equipment, and even contractual agreements that require long-term investments.

4.4 Relationships between supply, sales, and prices of baobab fruit in Changara

In Changara, the values presented were collected based on information provided by those involved in fruit extraction and direct observation, in which each form of product sale has different average prices per kilogram, as illustrated in Table 5, which details the average values charged for each 100 kg in different marketing locations (see Table 5).

Table 5
Variation of the selling prices of the A.digitata fruit in the four main places of sale.

Place of sale	Bag of 100kg
	Whole fruit	Baobab (Pulp)	Powder
In the villages (small communities)	3.14	9.41	78.42
At fairs	3.92	10.19	109.79
Malambe Company	4.71	0	0
Along the EN7 street/ Vila	6.27	15.68	156.84

• Source: Prepared by the authors

Regarding the prices charged at different points of sale, we sought to understand the variation by analyzing index numbers in order to compare the evolution of prices, quantities offered and sold, and summarize the economic conditions prevailing in the four locations. The index numbers revealed variations in prices across the points of sale (using the villages as a basis for comparison). However, these variations were significantly smaller than those observed in the quantities offered, especially in sales made in the villages themselves.

It should be noted that despite their growth, the index numbers in the villages show consistency with a view to maintaining the four forms of fruit marketing, whereas when these products are transported to the roads, their percentage tends to double or triple. For example, the 200% index for whole fruit in EN7 indicates that the price is double that charged in the villages.

To illustrate this differentiation, we present Figure 8 with the price index figures by product type, based on the prices “in the villages” (index = 100), where extraction occurs, but the income is practically low for families' pockets. It allows us to easily visualize the price variation of whole fruit, A.digitata (pulp), and baobab powder according to the place of sale (Miranda et al., 2024).

Figure 8
Price index numbers by product type.

An economic analysis of the commercialization of A. digitata fruit pulp, for example, reveals significant differences between sales channels, associated with the level of organization and the cost structure of the production chain. In villages, fixed annual costs are significantly lower, resulting in a lower total cost per 100 kg. This indicates a traditional system with low input and reduced logistical requirements (Ramasamy & Ganesan, 2015). In contrast, commercialization along the EN7/village and through the Malambe Company presents substantially higher costs, reflecting greater operational complexity, logistical expenses, and infrastructure investments (André, 2025b).

Although the selling prices are higher outside the villages, especially along the EN7/village, the increase in costs reduces the effective net margin of the extractivists (Anjos, 2020). In the case of the Malambe Company, the high costs are associated with processing, storing, certifying, and exporting the product in powder form, which concentrates the greatest added value outside the country. Thus, although the baobab fruit value chain has the potential to increase the income of communities, especially through local processing and direct market access, these benefits are still limited in villages due to the presence of intermediaries and the weak integration of producers in more profitable segments of the chain. Figure 9 illustrates the average total annual profits obtained by families engaged in malambe extraction in the Changara region.

Figure 9
Average total annual profits earned by households.

Hence, of the 154 respondents, 49 individuals (31.81%) engage in the transformation of malambe pulp into powder, a process involving drying and grinding to produce a higher-value final product. Despite being a more labor-intensive and technically demanding activity, it allows these producers to access more lucrative markets, especially along the EN7 and in the village of Changara, where A. digitata fruit in powder is sold to travelers, cars, and buses that circulate the region. Consequently, these extractivists obtain significantly higher profits compared to those who sell only the whole fruit or pulp in the villages, thus better meeting their economic needs.

Regarding the expected profits, it was not possible to determine the values precisely for the Malambe Commercial Company, since this company only acquires whole fruits. For this reason, in the presented graph, it appears with profits only in the "whole fruit" category, suggesting that it does not sell directly or does not provide data on the pulp or powder of the baobab. However, it is known that the company processes whole fruits, turning them into powder, which is exported to international markets, such as South Africa, India, and some European countries.

According to information provided by the manager of Malambe Commercial on May 30, 2025, the company began its activities in 2019, focusing on buying fruit from local communities. These activities have helped to strengthen the local economy, particularly amongst women and children living in the surrounding communities who are involved in cracking the fruit and extracting the pulp stages that precede industrial processing thereby ensuring the creation of employment opportunities.

Based on 100 kg of whole fruit, an average of 32 kg of pulp is obtained, from which approximately 10 kg of powder is obtained. This is sold at a price of 3 U.S. dollars per kilogram to companies such as Baobab Fudju in South Africa and Baesyss Tod Natural in India, among others. The 10 kg of powder on the EN7 road/in the village costs $13.68, while Malambe Commercial makes a comfortable profit by selling it abroad for $30.37.

In the region, there are also fairs where families sell various products, including A. digitata fruit in its different forms. In these fairs, the profit obtained with the fruit is intermediate, superior to that in the villages, but inferior to that on the EN7/Vila road, which shows that places with greater foot traffic and better accessibility tend to provide greater earnings to sellers. Despite this, it is observed that, due to cultural and logistical issues, these families continue to use their old traditional houses as storage facilities for the fruit, either whole or in pulp bags. Figure 10 illustrates the "before and after" of a local A. digitata fruit merchant, highlighting the material improvements achieved through the extractive and commercial activities.

Figure 10
Before (a) and after (b) of a local A. digitata fruit trader,

Through the analysis of the correlation between the price indices and the quantities traded, it was possible to verify how price variation influenced sales of products derived from the A. digitata fruit, pulp, and powder. The correlation values obtained were: Whole Fruit e Pulp: 0,992; Whole Fruit and A. digitata Powder: 0,986; pulp e powder: 0,957. These coefficients, very close to 1, indicate a strong positive correlation between the different types of products. This demonstrates that as the price or quantity of one increase, the others tend to follow the same trend (Cruz & Schneider, 2022).

These results reveal interdependence between the products in the baobab supply chain, suggesting that the market responds in an integrated way to the appreciation or intensification of commercialization. In other words, there is a joint tendency for an increase in value or demand among the three fruit derivatives. This relationship can be seen more clearly in the dispersion presented in Figure 11, which illustrates how the products influence each other in the formation of value and market dynamics.

Figure 11
Mutual relationship of products in value creation and market dynamics.

This indicates that the correlation between Whole Fruit and Pulp (represented in blue) reveals a moderate positive association, suggesting that variations in the price of one tend to follow, to a lesser extent, those of the other. Meanwhile, the correlation between Whole Fruit and A. digitata Powder (in green) demonstrates a strong positive relationship, showing that as the price of whole fruit increases, the price of A. digitata powder also tends to rise. Finally, the correlation between pulp and A. digitata Powder (in red) also shows a significant positive relationship, indicating a similar pattern of joint appreciation.

4.5 Challenges in the Extraction of the Adansonia digitata Fruit in Changara

Regarding perceptions of the population structure and conservation of the baobab in the Changara region, all interviewees demonstrated knowledge of the species' presence in their surroundings, confirming their familiarity with its distribution and local importance (Lisao, 2017). The vast majority (94%) recognized the scarcity of young individuals of the species, pointing to various threats that contribute to this reality. The main factors mentioned were elephants (98%), which are considered the main cause of the destruction of seedlings and young trees, followed by irregular rainfall, barking for fiber extraction and irregular fruit harvesting. Malambe Comercial also faces challenges relating to the lack of a market and of techniques for processing the seeds into products with higher added value, such as vegetable oils. At its facilities, there is a noticeable build-up of seeds after the pulp has been removed, which compromises the natural regeneration of the species.

Another relevant point is the absence of propagation practices for the baobab tree. All of the interviewees admitted to not planting the species, with many believing that the baobab tree either grows spontaneously in nature or was "planted by God." The main reasons given for not propagating the species were the plant's slow growth, the difficulty of cultivation, and the lack of physical space, considering the tree's size in adulthood. In some communities, there are even cultural taboos that prohibit the cutting or destruction of adult baobabs, reinforcing their symbolic and spiritual value. Currently, baobab exploitation is almost exclusively based on the extraction of native populations, without established strategies for cultivation or sustainable management. Despite the growing local demand and the interest of some entrepreneurs in the industrialization of the derived products, there are still lacking public policies, incentives, and actions by non-governmental organizations aimed at reproducing, conserving, and valuing the species in the Changara district (Jäckering et al., 2019).

From an economic perspective, most extractivists expressed dissatisfaction with the low prices paid for baobab-derived products, given that, although some families earn seasonal incomes equivalent to or higher than Mozambique’s lowest minimum wage (Mozambique, 2024), annual earnings remain low due to high transport and labor costs and the low value added to the product. These results highlight the economic fragility of extractive activities and corroborate studies indicating that mere market access does not guarantee improved living conditions and may even reinforce dependencies and structural inequalities (Anjos, 2020; André, 2025b). Similarly, Zidora et al. (2022), when analyzing vegetable producers in southern Mozambique, identified difficulties in accessing markets, information asymmetry and a strong dependence on intermediaries are factors that limit the profitability and sustainability of family farming. Furthermore, the fragility of value chains and limited coordination among the actors involved reduce profit margins and hinder the value addition of products, reinforcing the need for strategies aimed at strengthening producers’ organizational capacity, expanding access to information and diversifying markets.

5. Conclusions

In Changara, women and children stand out in the collection of baobab fruit, reaffirming the centrality of family and community dynamics in the local value chain. To ensure their survival, in addition to extractivism, these communities also dedicate themselves to subsistence agriculture, animal husbandry, and small local commercial enterprises. The baobab fruit is sold in three main forms: whole fruit, pulp, and powder, distributed in four different sales points: villages, fairs, the national EN7 road, and the Malambe Commercial Company. Each of these locations has significant price variations and, consequently, profits obtained, which directly affects the income and economic sustainability of families involved in the activity.

It was found that the prices practiced in the villages or communities are not sufficient to ensure the economic viability of the extractive activity, as the profits do not satisfy the basic needs of those involved. Often, the income obtained does not cover the operational costs of collection, transportation, and processing, which compromises the sustainability of the A. digitata production chain. Therefore, it is necessary to improve the economic valuation of the work of local extractivists, especially by expanding access to fairer markets, adding value to baobab-derived products, and implementing public policies that strengthen the community-based economy.

Data availability:

The survey data are available on request.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the District Economic Activities Services (SDAE) of the Changara District and the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES) for their financial support, which was essential to the completion of this work.

How to cite:

Jacobe, M., Nunes-Freitas, A. F., & Basso, V. M. (2026). Extractivism of the Adansonia Digitata l. fruit in Changara, Mozambique: socioeconomic structure and community challenges. Revista de Economia e Sociologia Rural, 64, e305708. https://doi.org/10.1590/1806-9479.2026.305708

Financial support:

Mateus Jacobe states that he received a research grant for this study from the Brazilian Agency for the Support of Research and Education (CAPES). Other authors: Nothing to declare

Ethics approval:

This research was submitted for review to the Human Research Ethics Committee (CEP) of the Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro, and was approved under opinion no. 7,269,078 of 9 December 2024 and CAAE 82790524. 6.0000.0311, in accordance with the guidelines set out in Resolution No. 466/2012 of the National Health Council (CNS).

JEL Classification:

Q12;Q13 and Q23

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Conflicts of interest:

Nothing to declare.

Corresponding author:

Mateus Jacobe. [e-mail]

Associate Editor:

Paulo Eduardo Moruzzi Marques

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  11 Sept 2026
• Date of issue
  2026

History

• Received
  20 Feb 2026
• Accepted
  05 May 2026