Young migrants in care work: working conditions, health and mobility in Latin America

Abstract

Care work is performed, especially, by poor, black, indigenous women and young migrants who move internally to other countries in Latin America, or to the Global North. The objective of the article is to analyze and discuss the care work of young migrants from and in the Latin American context, asking whether and how scientific productions dialogue with intersectionality, working conditions and health, and the challenges facing mobilities, social, emotional and sexual interactions. A narrative literature review was carried out with descriptors in the following databases: SciELO, Web of Science, Virtual Health Library, Scopus and Scilit, totaling 19 articles. The results of this review point to the scarce theoretical depth of intersectionality; low pay, long working hours, lack of labor rights that affect the health of these young women; situations of undocumented migration; difficulties in reconciling family care and motherhood, and interruptions in studies. It is essential to discuss the topic from an intersectional perspective to complexify and understand the particularities and diversities of care work for young migrants with a view to producing public care policies for them.

Key words:
Internal migration; Intersectional Framework; Women Working; Working Conditions; Migrant Health

Resumo

O trabalho de cuidado é desempenhado, especialmente, pelas mulheres pobres, negras, indígenas e migrantes jovens que se deslocam internamente, para outros países da América Latina ou para o Norte Global. O objetivo do artigo é analisar e discutir o trabalho de cuidado de jovens migrantes do e no contexto latino-americano, indagando se e como as produções científicas dialogam com a interseccionalidade, as condições de trabalho e a saúde, e os desafios diante das mobilidades e das interações sociais, afetivas e sexuais. Foi realizada uma revisão de literatura narrativa com descritores nas bases: SciELO, Web of Science, Biblioteca Virtual em Saúde, Scopus e Scilit, totalizando 19 artigos. Os resultados desta revisão apontam o escasso aprofundamento teórico da interseccionalidade; baixa remuneração, jornada de trabalho prolongada, ausência de direitos trabalhistas que afetam a saúde destas jovens; situações de migração indocumentada; dificuldades de conciliação do cuidado familiar e a maternidade, e interrupções nos estudos. É essencial a discussão do tema sob a perspectiva interseccional para complexificar, entender as particularidades e diversidades do trabalho de cuidado de jovens migrantes com vistas à produção de políticas públicas de cuidado a elas.

Palavras-chave:
Migração interna; Enquadramento interseccional; Mulheres Trabalhadoras; Condições de trabalho; Saúde de migrantes

Resumen

El trabajo de cuidados lo realizan especialmente mujeres pobres, negras, indígenas y jóvenes migrantes que se desplazan internamente, hacia otros países de América Latina o hacia el Norte global. El objetivo es analizar y discutir el trabajo de cuidado de jóvenes migrantes desde y en el contexto latinoamericano, preguntándose si y cómo las producciones científicas se involucran con la interseccionalidad, las condiciones de Trabajo, la salud, y los desafíos que enfrentan la movilidad y las interacciones sociales, afectivas y sexuales. Se realizó una revisión narrativa en las siguientes bases de datos: SciELO, Web of Science, Biblioteca Virtual en Salud, Scopus y Scilit, totalizando 19 artículos. Los resultados apuntan a la escasa profundidad teórica de la interseccionalidad; bajos salarios, largas jornadas laborales, falta de derechos laborales que afectan la salud de estas jóvenes; situaciones de migración indocumentada; dificultades para conciliar el cuidado familiar y la maternidad e interrupciones en los estudios. Es fundamental discutir el tema desde una perspectiva interseccional para complejizar, comprender las particularidades y diversidades de cuidado de las personas jóvenes migrantes con vistas a producir políticas públicas.

Palabras clave:
Migración interna; Marco interseccional; Mujeres Trabajadoras; Condiciones de trabajo; Salud de migrantes

Introduction

There is consensus in the literature that women predominantly perform care work^1-3. However, who are the women who care for people, homes, and animals? Who are the women who cook, bathe, clean, and care for dependent people, whether sick or not? What are the relationships between the displacement and migration of young women and adolescents and care work in the Latin American context?

Based on the construction of a scientific body of work that examines the singularities and pluralities of care workers, this article proposes to discuss the intersectional perspective, which interconnects the analytical categories of gender, race/ethnicity, social class, nationality, and others and enables the complexified social relations⁴ and working conditions. Thus, we understand that young women and migrant adolescents also care for their family members or other families, whether paid or unpaid, highlighting the need to consider this type of work from a generational perspective^5-7.

The generational dimension is crucial to understanding this backdrop of caregiving performed by young migrant women, as are the categories of ethnicity, class, and gender. In Brazil, 2023 data on domestic work indicate that it is predominantly female and performed by Black women. Approximately 91.4% of the 5.8 million people in this occupation are women, and 67.3% of these are Black (Black and brown), with low schooling levels (only 2% have higher education), and from working-class families. Regarding age, 14.3% are young: 1.3% are 14-17; 6.9% are 18-24; and 6.7% are 25-29⁸. The Brazilian profile shows that younger women have been moving away from paid domestic work due to increased education and employment in other jobs, while older women remain in this role, often with health problems, as it is a job with high physical demands and many begin domestic work early⁹.

Suppose Black women predominate in this caregiving context. In that case, we should highlight the historicity of this process, in which they care for others, especially white people, through their work, reiterating the “slave-owning legacy”, in the words of Beatriz Nascimento¹⁰. In this sense, the Brazilian socio-racial hierarchy built throughout the colonization process consisted of mechanisms that placed Black people in substandard and informal jobs. Therefore, white privilege and the retention of Black women in domestic work are persistent realities in Latin American society¹⁰.

Care work involves activities such as tidying the house, feeding, cleaning, and sanitizing people or environments. It is closely related to affective relationships permeated by emotions (whether positive or otherwise) and the establishment of trust between the caregiver and the person being cared for. This situation requires physical demands (bathing, sweeping, and carrying people)¹¹. Qualifications for care are part of the socialization process of girls and women built throughout life, and they are naturalized and considered “feminine”^3,12.

Care work is exhausting and affects women differently, because when we think about human displacements in search of better living conditions, work, and family rearrangements, migrants face the challenges mentioned and other obstacles in their movements. In migration processes involving undocumented women, working conditions tend to be even more precarious, as the work performed in the private sector prevents them from confronting the violence they experience, such as xenophobia, racism, abuse, and moral and sexual harassment. Another issue is caring for their family members, such as children, parents, grandparents, and siblings. When leaving their country of origin, they tend to devise care strategies, whether by sending them financial resources or hiring or seeking help from other women to care for them¹.

Therefore, care work among migrants on the global stage exposes realities that are part of the World Health Organization’s (WHO) discussions to develop and ensure health care policies. Rising unemployment and underemployment among young people in the Global South, population aging, and the inclusion of migrant women in care work highlight the impact of their labor and health conditions. Their adopted narratives regarding informality in an activity characterized by precariousness, low social value, few or no labor rights, and health risks are also stressed¹³.

Therefore, based on a literature review this article aims to analyze and discuss care work, especially domestic work, performed by young migrants from and in the Latin American context, asking whether and how scientific productions dialogue with intersectionality, working conditions and health, the challenges they cope with in the face of mobility and social, affective, and sexual interactions.

Narrative review as a methodological approach

The narrative review was chosen due to the previous experience of two of the manuscript’s authors, who conducted a bibliographic search in the SciELO databases of the Virtual Health Library (BVS) in June 2023 and did not find satisfactory productions specific to the care work by young migrants, especially in the Latin American context.

To conduct this study, a new search in the same databases was performed in May 2024. Once again, the findings were similar to those of the previous year, leading us to decline an integrative or scoping review, as only three articles^5,14,15 mention youth, young people, adolescents or generation in the titles, which led us to read the abstracts and, in some cases, the full articles to decide whether or not to include them in the sample.

Thus, we preferred a literature review that could find discussions about young people, youth, or generations based on the production of care work among migrants. Therefore, the narrative review was chosen because it offers a more flexible approach, however, with the potential to produce relevant results¹⁶ while also revealing the “state of the art” on a given topic¹⁷. Sukhera¹⁶ affirms that a narrative review has five stages:

a) Justification and research questions. We opted for a narrative literature review due to the limited literature on the research topic, especially on young migrants in care work. The research questions are: What does the literature reveal about the care work performed by young migrants in and from the Latin American context? Do these works engage with intersectionality, working conditions, health, sociability, and the challenges of mobility, as well as the affective and sexual interactions among young female migrant care workers?

b) Databases and descriptors. We adopted the following descriptors and their respective databases, as expressed in Chart 1.

Chart 1
Databases, descriptors used and number of documents found.

Databases	Descriptors	Total
BVS (title, abstract, and subject) Country filters as subject: Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Haiti, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua.	(“care work” OR “domestic work” OR “home health aides” OR “caregivers” OR housekeeping OR housemaid OR housecleaners OR nannies OR “elderly caregiver” OR “domestic workers” OR babysitter OR nursemaid OR “trabalho de cuidado” OR “trabalho doméstico” OR “auxiliares de saúde domiciliar” OR cuidador* OR “empregada domestica” OR “empregadas domesticas” OR faxineiras OR babás “cuidador de idosos” OR “trabalhadores domésticos” OR “trabalhadoras domésticas”) AND (migrant* OR migration OR immigrant* OR “human mobility” OR “human mobilities” OR displacement* OR emigration OR “human migration” OR refuge* OR asylum OR “international humanitarian law” OR immigrant* OR “diplomatic asylum” OR “humanitarian visa” OR migrant* OR imigrant* OR “mobilidade humana” OR “mobilidades humanas” OR deslocamento* OR emigracao OR “migracao humana” OR refugi* OR asilo OR “visto humanitario”)	165
SciELO All indexes.	(“care work” OR “domestic work” OR “home health aides” OR “caregivers” OR housekeeping OR housemaid OR housecleaners OR nannies OR “elderly caregiver” OR “domestic workers” OR babysitter OR nursemaid OR “trabalho de cuidado” OR “trabalho doméstico” OR “auxiliares de saúde domiciliar” OR cuidador* OR “empregada domestica” OR “empregadas domesticas” OR faxineiras OR babás “cuidador de idosos” OR “trabalhadores domésticos” OR “trabalhadoras domésticas”) AND (migrant* OR migration OR immigrant* OR “human mobility” OR “human mobilities” OR displacement* OR emigration OR “human migration” OR refuge* OR asylum OR “international humanitarian law” OR immigrant* OR “diplomatic asylum” OR “humanitarian visa” OR migrant* OR imigrant* OR “mobilidade humana” OR “mobilidades humanas” OR deslocamento* OR emigracao OR “migracao humana” OR refugi* OR asilo OR “visto humanitario”)	164
Scilit All indexes Filters: Brazil, Mexico, Chile, Argentina, Colombia, Peru, Venezuela, Uruguay, and Ecuador.	(“care work” OR “domestic work” OR “home health aides” OR “caregivers” OR housekeeping OR housemaid OR housecleaners OR nannies OR “elderly caregiver” OR “domestic workers” OR babysitter OR nursemaid) AND (migrant* OR migration OR immigrant* OR “human mobility” OR “human mobilities” OR displacement* OR emigration OR “human migration” OR refuge* OR asylum OR “international humanitarian law” OR immigrant* OR “diplomatic asylum” OR “humanitarian visa”) AND (Young OR Youth OR adolescence OR “young adults” OR “young adult” OR teenagerns)	147
Scopus All indexes Filters: Mexico, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Argentina, Peru, and Haiti.	(“care work” OR “domestic work” OR “home health aides” OR “caregivers” OR housekeeping OR housemaid OR housecleaners OR nannies OR “elderly caregiver” OR “domestic workers” OR babysitter OR nursemaid) AND (migrant* OR migration OR immigrant* OR “human mobility” OR “human mobilities” OR displacement* OR emigration OR “human migration” OR refuge* OR asylum OR “international humanitarian law” OR immigrant* OR “diplomatic asylum” OR “humanitarian visa”) AND (Young OR Youth OR adolescence OR “young adults” OR “young adult” OR teenagerns)	28
Web of Science All indexes Brazil, Mexico, Chile, Colombia, Argentina, Haiti, and Jamaica.	(“care work” OR “domestic work” OR “home health aides” OR “caregivers” OR housekeeping OR housemaids OR housecleaners OR nannies OR “elderly caregiver” OR “domestic workers” OR babysitters OR nursemaids) AND (migrant* OR migration OR immigrant* OR “human mobility” OR “human mobilities” OR displacement* OR emigration OR “human migration” OR refuge* OR asylum OR “international humanitarian law” OR immigrant* OR “diplomatic asylum” OR “humanitarian visa”) AND (Young OR Youth OR adolescence OR “young adults” OR “young adult” OR teenagers)	19
Total		523
Total without duplicates		411

• Source: Authors, May 2024.

We should emphasize that very few documents appeared when using descriptors referring to youth and young people, such as: “Jovem OR jovens OR juventude OR adolescencia OR “jovens adultos” OR “jovem adulto” OR Young OR Youth OR adolescence OR “young adults” OR “young adult” OR teenagers”, in SciELO and BVS databases, associated with the other descriptors in Table 1. Therefore, they were not used in these databases.

The entire sample was entered into the Zotero® reference manager to facilitate handling and application of inclusion and exclusion criteria.

c) Selection of material and inclusion and exclusion criteria. In this process, the titles, abstracts, and, in some cases, the full article from the entire document database were read. The sample included those that: i) addressed young migrants and domestic care work (nannies, older adult/child caregivers, day laborers, or monthly employees) in the Latin American context, or those referring to Latin American migrant women moving to another continent; ii) were available in full text; and iii) were written in Portuguese, English, or Spanish. The exclusion criteria were: i) books, book chapters, and conference annals; and ii) were unavailable in full text.

d) Reflections on the material and its sufficiency for analysis. The articles for analysis were selected after reading the titles, abstracts, and full articles. Notably, 16 articles were selected from the sample obtained using the descriptors in Chart 1. Three more articles^15,18,19 were included, resulting from a manual selection in the Zotero® manager of one of the authors, who studies the topic of care work and migration.

e) Article analysis and interpretation. The authors created a table (Chart 2) with the main information from the selected articles (objective, methodology, aspects of care work, and the health of young female caregivers, mobility, sociability, affective, and sexual interactions) after analyzing the inclusion and exclusion criteria. For analysis and discussion, we selected thematic categories: a) youth, migration for care, and intersectionality; b) care work and the health of young migrant women; and c) mobility, sociability, and affective and sexual interactions.

Chart 2
Summary of articles selected for narrative review.

Article and Objective	Methods	Care work and health	Mobilities, sociabilities, affective, and sexual interactions
Alvarado5 To analyze the domestic activities by young migrants moving from rural areas to urban centers in Peru.	Interviews and observations with 16 girls and young women (13 to 19 years old).	Intense work, six to twelve hours a day, in domestic employment, with little or no pay. Previously working in agriculture, they express the burden and extremely low pay. They perform tasks such as cleaning, cooking, caring for children and older adults, and sleeping on the job, with impacts on the young women's physical and psychological health, such as cases of “sadness, depression, isolation, anxiety, and stress”5 (n.p.).	Mobility occurs as a result of subsistence, with women leaving the family core in search of employment. They live a life of exploitation and danger in urban centers. Regarding social interactions, young women are "prevented" from going to school due to intense domestic work and the exploitation they are subjected to, besides the hostile environment of bullying and abuse. There are reports of a lack of affection and respect, isolation from family ties, school, and friends, loneliness, and the fear of reporting their employers. Nursing and teaching careers appear as possibilities for young women to enter higher education.
Bover et al.20 To describe the quality of life of Latina migrant workers in Spain.	Quantitative research using an SF-36 questionnaire with 517 Latina women.	28.3% of the women are aged 19-29 years, indicating that they are young. Most have little education; 81.9% care for children or older adults and perform other household chores. Younger women score lower on the emotional aspect, and this may be related to the migrants' harsh reality. Participants of all ages reveal the physical and emotional impacts associated with the difficulties of entering the healthcare system, and the precarious conditions of their employment relationships.	There is no mention.
Debert18 To discuss the elderly care work by Latina female migrants in Italy.	Qualitative ethnographic research.	Young Latina women are responsible for providing care for older adults in Italy, a country with a rapidly aging population, which is related to the movement of women from the Global South to the Global North. The research highlights generational issues and gender as central to understanding the dynamics of eldercare. Female migrants from Eastern Europe are preferred by Italian families because, being older, they do not have young children, have a higher education level than Latinas, and are more “available” for caregiving. There is no mention of health.	Regarding Latina female migrants, they reiterate that they know how to care for older adults, as they learn family care from a young age. In this process, they interact with older adults and negotiate relationships within the caregiving dynamic.
Radcliffe21 To analyze how peasant women are recruited into the labor market and how they carry out domestic activities in Peru.	Case study with semi-structured interviews and participant observation.	Regarding care work in Peru, the author explains that girls learn domestic care from a very young age, while rural girls move to urban centers. Child labor is a reality in poorer families. Young women over 15 tend to balance caregiving with studying and later migrate to obtain financial means to support their families. Regarding the differentiation between women and men, younger women move and, once they get married, they stop moving. The probabilities of migrating decrease with age. Single women migrate most often in search of employment, while married women move to join their partners. When they migrate, they are recruited primarily for domestic work or farming, with very low wages. As migrant labor recruitment agencies are non-existent, women are hired by acquaintances, school teachers, family members, and the like.	Many young female migrants travel alone, but more often than not, they are accompanied by friends or relatives.
Borgeaud-Graciandía6 To discuss the domestic work performed by Peruvian female migrants in the city of Buenos Aires.	Qualitative research using the life stories of migrant women.	Migrant women move in search of better living and financial conditions to send money home to their families. They are generally middle-class, and their knowledge in nursing and teaching is useful in the job market. However, domestic employment and working conditions are precarious. Because this is a life history study, it highlights the childhood, youth, and aging experiences of female migrant workers. One of them reports illness due to osteoarthritis related to the physical exertion of care work.	Domestic work socially demands responsibility and ethics from caregivers, while simultaneously reinforcing the dependent relationships between caregivers and those being cared for. It is an activity that occurs in the private sphere and requires constant interaction with the person being cared for and their family. Based on the life story of a female domestic worker who migrates at a young age, the author reveals the violence she suffers, such as that perpetrated by her stepfather and the child labor performed on other children. She marries at a young age and continues to suffer domestic violence. The decision to migrate to Argentina involves a desire to escape her financial situation, but also for “freedom”. She suffers from loneliness, precarious work as a domestic worker and caregiver for older adults, and the experiences of the changes that have come with her travels, from a young age, in search of better living conditions.
Hernández and Tavira22 To discuss Latina care work and its relationship with migration between Mexico and the United States.	Qualitative research with 24 interviews with Mexican female migrants in California.	The article does not address health, but it does point out that caregiving for dependents (children and older adults) is performed by young female migrants or elderly women, often grandparents who move to care for their grandchildren while their children work. Young migrants also care for young children from other families or their nephews/cousins, sending money to their parents.	The article barely explores the migrants’ social interactions. However, their travel to visit or provide emergency care to their parents in Mexico is related to their US citizenship. In other words, for those with immigration documents, it is possible to go to their parents’ homes and return to the US. Another point is that, if they are unable to return, their parents’ care is maintained remotely through telephone contact, which can cause distress due to the inability to see them.
García and Gracia7 To discuss the impacts of the migration of young indigenous women who move from Guatemala to Mexico to work in domestic employment.	Qualitative research involving interviews and ethnographic observations. Interviews with 22 migrants (aged 16 to 25).	The article explores the history of Mexico's southern border region, highlighting internal and cross-border movements between the two countries. It also highlights the violent acculturation processes of the region's Indigenous peoples, particularly their inclusion as agricultural laborers. Currently, the region is seen as a space of internal and transnational movement with characteristics of control and persecution of undocumented people. Regarding young migrants seeking domestic work, it is clear that their motivations stem from economic necessity, such as helping their siblings study. Seasonal migration is a reality for many young women, as they travel to work during school holidays. Working conditions are extremely precarious, with long, exhausting 12-hour workdays, monthly wages ranging from $79 to $132, and a lack of labor rights. Workers face mistreatment, discrimination, threats, and sexual violence.	The research shows that these young women's ethnic identities intersect with their labor and gender identities throughout their mobility process. One aspect concerns the identities of being a woman and a caregiver, as both representations are associated with women's socialization process from childhood. During their mobility, there is a “certain” precaution regarding potential violence, especially sexual violence; that is, they learn to take care of themselves to avoid it.
Valeriano23 To analyze the work, trajectories and migration processes of domestic workers who live in the homes where they work in Goiânia-GO, Brazil.	Qualitative research with 13 interviews.	Seven of the 13 migrant workers interviewed live at their workplace (five are young), and six do not live there but have had this experience (one is young). In other words, they are mostly young, Black women, childless, and single, having entered domestic work very early (between the ages of 12 and 17). They experience uncertainty and insecurity due to the absence of their families and the workload, especially for those who live at their workplace. They report distress related to substandard working conditions, difficulties in rural life, poverty, and school dropout.	The search for better living conditions stems from economic necessity, especially because they are single mothers, faced with paternal abandonment. In two cases, the young women left their children with their grandmothers, reporting that their employers prevented them from keeping family ties, especially with their children - an aspect deeply linked to their distress. The author points out that care work involves emotional bonds with the person being cared for, that is, with the hiring family, sometimes making it difficult to understand the oppression and exploitation they endure.
Rodrigues and Bezerra24 To analyze the forms of precariousness and enticement of women into slave labor in the state of Maranhão.	Qualitative research with a bibliographic review on the issue of gender, in addition to systematization of data from the Pastoral Land Committee to categorize and differentiate workers rescued from slave labor (SL) and interviews with migrant workers.	Women face the challenges of contemporary enslaved labor, such as debt and domestic bondage and forced labor, which severely violate their human rights. Official data indicate that 25.2% of women are aged 18-24 years, and 30% are 25-34, corroborating that young women find themselves in SL, a reality in which a small number of workers are rescued. This low incidence is strongly linked to normalized substandard work for women, especially domestic work, with an increase in domestic activities among girls and young women, exhausting work hours, and lack of wages.	Migration appears to be one of the paths to economic survival for women, starting in childhood, pointing to the socialization of girls into caregiving, with them learning domestic tasks from a young age. In Brazil, it is not uncommon for girls to begin child labor as domestic workers in the homes of relatives or acquaintances, in exchange for "a place to stay" and in the hope of being able to study. In many cases, they fall into the web of recruiters with promises of life changes and upward social mobility.
Vizcarra-Bordi et al.25 To discuss gender relations and the sexual division of labor, analyzing the possible impacts caused by the migration of men and young women in three communities of the Mazahua Indigenous ethnic group, in rural Mexico.	Qualitative research with ethnographic method, participant observations, interviews with participants, informants and focus groups.	From birth, girls are treated differently than boys. Furthermore, the article mentions the tradition of where the umbilical cord should be buried, depending on the newborn's intended role, the accumulation of roles, and the subjugation of women to male authority (if not their father, husband, brother-in-law, father-in-law, or eldest son). It discusses sexual and reproductive care performed exclusively by women in two contexts: male migration, mostly by husbands, and when young women migrate, highlighting the impact of the overload of functions without time for self-care and the lack of financial autonomy.	Young women, mostly single mothers, migrate seeking opportunities to support their children and other family members. Many cases report that they end up not returning, having to resort to prostitution due to a lack of opportunities, or are detained at the border when attempting to migrate undocumented. In terms of sociability, there is a strong emphasis on gender hierarchy, which leads to segregation between female spaces (homes) and male spaces (public and leisure spaces).
Siqueira et al.26 The study aimed to analyze the profile of Brazilian domestic workers in Massachusetts (USA), based on the description of their working conditions and self-rated health.	A cross-sectional study was conducted with 198 domestic workers from Massachusetts, USA, recruited by “snowball”.	Undocumented migrants end up working informal jobs, which are less skilled and offer fewer social rights. It is safe to say that undocumented immigration status negatively affects the living conditions of Brazilian immigrants in the US, impacting the living conditions and health of domestic workers.	In the US, undocumented migrant status is more common among younger migrants, those who have lived in the country of arrival for a shorter period of time and have less English proficiency. These factors hinder finding employment and achieving economic stability.
Faria et al.14 To analyze the reasons and consequences of the female rural exodus from the perspective of rural female youth in a community in northern Minas Gerais, Brazil.	Qualitative approach with in-depth interviews, observation of daily life and field diary, with some testimonies and reports made with young women from a community in the North region of Minas Gerais, from 2013 to 2014.	Generally, being a “rural youth and woman” translates into a position of “inferiority” within the social hierarchy, contributing to the social invisibility of young women in rural areas. Gender relations in rural areas are also based on the traditional division of labor between the farm and the home.	The results show that migration is related to difficulties in finding work and the lack of access to education to continue studies, finding domestic employment in cities. Among the consequences of female migration in the community are the “masculinization” of rural areas, a decreasing number of marriages, growing alcohol abuse among men, breakdown of family ties, and rural aging. The analysis reveals the mechanisms used by migrant domestic workers and their families to overcome difficulties in mobility for work, using social networks, which activate family ties, belonging, trust, cooperation and identity.
Moreschi27 This article seeks to understand domestic workers in the city of Los Angeles, as well as the type of work and social relationships they establish in this niche, and their forms of resistance as workers.	Ethnographic research with Zapotec migrants from Mexico, reporting on their experiences as domestic workers (aged 15-55), in Los Angeles, from 2005 to 2007.	It mentions the devaluation of domestic activities, including their non-recognition as work, but rather as a service provided by women who are below the economic, social, and gender hierarchy, having to endure situations of contempt in domestic jobs. It also highlights the burden of care work, as these women are entirely responsible for the domestic tasks in their very homes.	It mentions how women’s migration is sometimes interpreted as a sign of “feminized survival”, highlighting how mobility is closely linked to their responsibilities for survival, their very lives, and those of their families.
Magliano and Zenklusen28 This article aims to analyze the trajectories of Peruvian women in the paid care sector and their generational continuities around these jobs.	A qualitative study conducted from 2012 to 2018, based primarily on interviews with women aged 25-55, of Peruvian origin, living in Córdoba, and engaged in paid care work.	Regarding care work, it shows a generational perspective among migrant women, in which mothers enter the care labor market and their daughters begin first in an unpaid role, caring for the home and neighborhood, and later are included in paid care work. It does not mention health aspects.	The article discusses Peruvian migration, marked by a strong feminization, which, over the first two decades of the 21st century, transformed into family migration, amid a persistent demand for women to work in the care sector. Migration is also mentioned as a way to contribute to their children's education.
Gómez and Iglesias15 To analyze the patterns in the work of South-South migrants (Paraguay, Bolivia, and Peru) and their children in Argentina.	Quantitative method, with data collection using official information from the country.	The article does not delve into care work, but mentions the sexual division of labor in its findings, showing how many roles are filled primarily by women, such as domestic service, and how this becomes a generational factor. It does not mention health.	There is no mention.
Tonhati and Macedo19 To analyze the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on the mobility of migrant women, including asylum seekers and refugees to Brazil and their inclusion in the formal labor market.	Comparative analysis in the January-September 2019 and 2020 periods based on information contained in official databases.	It does not delve into the topic of care work, but mentions how, during the COVID-2019 pandemic, migrant women were more likely to occupy informal workspaces and the increase in unpaid care work.	Regarding migration flows, the article mentions that women from countries in the Global South (Haitians, Venezuelans, Paraguayans, and Cubans) migrate in search of employment. They are young women with secondary education.
Perez and Llanos29 To analyze the situation of domestic workers in Peru, highlighting issues of vulnerability, labor rights, and working conditions.	Statistical analysis of data from the Peruvian National Household Survey and qualitative research, including semi-structured interviews with 20 domestic workers from different regions of Peru.	Regarding care work, the article highlights how these women are often responsible for caring for their families and homes, also ensuring an education and a better future for their children. Moreover, it mentions how the lack of access to the educational system limits their opportunities for work beyond the caregiving space.	Younger women see domestic work as an initial step toward social mobility and as a way to escape unstable family situations or domestic violence. They also mention internal migration to larger cities, such as Lima, in search of educational and economic opportunities, whether for institutional reasons (lack of nearby schools), cultural reasons, or family reasons (family members did not allow access to the educational system).
Menucci et al.30 To investigate the lives of women who migrated from Venezuela to Ijuí-RS in the 21st century.	Field research with semi-structured interview guide.	Double shifts in care work, opportunities for entry into the job market in this field, difficulties in revalidating diplomas, and a lack of job opportunities in their original professional field. Furthermore, Venezuelan women suffer from racism and xenophobia.	Feminization of migration (mother profile, young, single, or divorced from partner or spouse), travel for financial reasons, need for autonomy and financial support, search for better living conditions for oneself and family remaining in the country of origin, support from international, non-governmental and governmental organizations for the search for housing, employment and income, and access to education and public health.
Faria31 Understand the social relations of women who migrate from rural communities in northern Minas Gerais, Brazil to large urban centers.	Qualitative research conducted with oral history interviews.	Easy incorporation into the job market due to the knowledge and skills socially constructed as “natural” arising from work caring for family members (children and the elderly), since childhood and adolescence, reinforcement and maintenance of the care work feminization logic and the sexual and racial division of labor, and precariousness of work and labor rights.	Internal migration (inland and capital) during adolescence and youth, activation and strengthening of social support and help networks, sharing of information about services, collective survival strategies, resistance, acceptance, and belonging and identity among domestic workers.

• Source: Authors, May 2024.

Results

The final sample comprised 19 articles, mainly with a qualitative approach, highlighting a variety of productions that focus on young migrant women and care workers and the Latin American context, although the number of scientific evidence on youth, migration and care work is still scarce, with only three articles addressing the topic in the title^5,14,15, as previously mentioned.

Five articles of the selected set discuss the situation of Peruvian migrant women^5,6,21,28,29; two discuss Latin American migrant women in Europe^18,20; three talk about Latin American migrant women in the USA^22,26,27; one discusses about Guatemalan migrant women moving to Mexico⁷; one talks about Bolivian, Paraguayan and Peruvian migrant women in Argentina¹⁵; one with transnational migrants in Brazil¹⁹, and one about Venezuelan women in Brazil³⁰.

A relative number of articles on internal migration were included in the sample (n=6), one on Brazilian internal migrants in Goiânia²³; one in Maranhão²⁴; two on the north of Minas Gerais^14,31; one on Indigenous female workers in Mexico²⁵, and one on internal migration of Peruvian women²⁹, confirming the need for studies on mobility and internal displacement of girls, young people, and women for care.

No article focused on the work of young men, corroborating that care work is performed primarily by women and girls, as portrayed in the literature^1-3.

Youth, migration to care, and intersectionality

The articles, in general, make little progress on the conceptual or methodological perspective of intersectionality. In the 19 articles analyzed, we identified some discussions that included the relationships between gender, race/skin color, age, ethnicity, or migratory status when addressing the migration experience.

Overall, we can say that, although they do not conceptualize or mention intersectionality, the articles primarily address the following aspects: a) Generational²⁰; b) Gender, generation, nationality^6,18,21,25, and ethnicity²⁵; c) Social class and gender⁵; d) The historical and social contexts of Indigenous migrant women, discussing gender, race/ethnicity, territory, and colonial violence⁷; d) Migratory status^22,26; e) Generation, gender, race, social class^23,27 and migratory status²⁷; f) Gender and generation^14,15; g) Gender, race/ethnicity and nationality¹⁹, and h) Gender, race, age group, social class, and territory³¹.

Four studies mention and conceptualize intersectionality^24,28-30. The study by Menuci et al. ³⁰ encompasses the oppressions of race, class, gender, and nationality among migrant women, justifying them as follows: “Since the diverse relations of power, exploitation, and female domination are found in diverse bodies following the same paths, they must then be viewed together as structuring and convergent elements”³⁰ (p.16). This article features contributions from authors such as Kimberlé Crenshaw, Carla Akotirene, Patricia Collins, and Sirma Bilge.

Intersectionality is brought into the debate in the research by Rodrigues and Bezerra²⁴, which addresses the categories of race and gender to understand enslaved labor today, highlighting the work of Black women as the most precarious. To this end, they use Crenshaw’s work, emphasizing the exploitation of women: “[...] whose structural violence is still based on multiple intersecting identity dimensions, such as oppression by social class, skin color, generation/age, geographic location, religiosity, and others”²⁴ (p.19).

Magliano and Zenklusen’s research²⁸ focuses on the extended care trajectories of Peruvian women, showing that the organization of social reproduction is based on gender. However, at the same time, it is strongly influenced by generation, race/ethnicity, social class, nationality, and sexuality, where care work is one of the possible paths for young migrants in Argentina.

Finally, the research by Pérez and Llanos²⁹ specifies how the intersections of class, ethnicity, or migratory status of domestic workers in Peru (Indigenous and rural) make them vulnerable to exploitation and oppression in the context of poorly paid, undervalued, and discriminated domestic work, with few or no labor rights.

Care work and the health of young migrant women

Regarding care work, the articles highlight the precarious domestic service, the lack of pay, intense working hours with daily shifts that can reach 12 hours⁷, a situation that escalates when there is a need to reside at their workplace²³, in addition to the lack of labor rights linked to domestic employment.

Care work begins in the lives of young women very early, between 12 and 17^7,21,23, when they have to perform unpaid tasks related to the maintenance of their residing home, including caring for other people, so that it is even possible for women from the same family to perform domestic work in other homes^22,28. These young women undertake seasonal migrations during school holidays, looking for paid domestic work, aiming for financial independence to subsidize their studies⁷.

Regarding the inclusion of young migrant women in care services, the articles highlight important aspects such as: a) generational factors, in which women from the same family perform care activities (paid or unpaid), especially the younger ones, often making it impossible for them to choose areas not linked to care^15,18,28; b) The sexual division of labor that assigns women to care-related tasks, as something natural for their gender^{14,15,24,25,27,31}, and c) young migrant women difficulties in starting or sustaining their studies due to their current social and economic conditions^26,29, where they need to reconcile their studies with domestic work²¹, resulting in school dropout due to the intense and exhausting activity^5,23.

These factors contribute to young women being vulnerable to informal work and fewer social rights^19,26, which makes the migration process and care work a possibility to seek better economic conditions and help finance the studies of family members^7,29.

We can also identify the overload with the multiple functions performed by these young migrant women, whether with domestic activities or the care of other people, especially dependents, such as children and older adults^{5,7,19-21,24,27,29,30}, making them responsible for domestic service and the care of their families and homes^27,29. Moreover, they financially support their relatives who remained in their homeland^6,7,21,22.

The overload of multiple roles, combined with the weak employment relationships and the lack of recognition for their work, significantly impacts the physical^5,6 and mental health of the young migrant women, such as depression, anxiety, and high stress levels^{5,7,20,23,25,27}.

One study reported young female migrant domestic workers experiencing contempt, isolation, distrust, and even infantilization in their workplace, where their employers considered them inferior and their work was not recognized as legitimate. The respondents mentioned loneliness, sadness, and low self-esteem, resulting in direct mental health implications²⁷.

We should underscore that some of the articles analyzed also mention the difficulty young women to integrating into the health systems in the places to which they migrate, thus preventing them from providing care for the physical and emotional illnesses caused by care work^20,30.

We highlight Valeriano’s study²³, which indicates that the fact that these young women are considered “as if they were part of the family” masks inequalities and violence in their daily work routines. They are actually prevented from eating in the same space as their employers, receive low wages, work long hours, especially those who live at work, and are unable to advance in their education. Lack of recognition at work has implications for the lives and subjectivity of these migrants, who feel a lack of social appreciation.

Mobilities, sociabilities, affective and sexual interactions

The motivations for moving, whether to other countries or regions of the young migrants’ homeland, are related to the search for survival for themselves and their families, with the desire to obtain “financial independence”^{5,6,14,19,24,25,27,28,30}, including for those who are single mothers and need to support their children^23,25, moving with friends or family²¹.

The social relationships of these young women appear to be influenced by the migration issue, particularly by whether or not they are registered in the destination country. For example, one study found that young women were unable to travel to provide care and attention to their families in their home countries because they were undocumented, and faced the risk of being unable to re-enter the US after their family’s visit. Therefore, care was provided “at a distance,” through telephone contact²². Another study found that irregular documentation also exacerbates the vulnerability of migrants, with prevalent precarious work and the lack of labor rights²⁶.

Understanding the school environment as a privileged space for socialization, young women sometimes have to address false promises from their employers that they will continue studying, especially in cases of extreme violence, such as contemporary slave labor, where freedom is restricted²⁴. Regarding sociability and lifelong learning, four studies show the socialization of girls and women for care, as they learn from an early age to care for themselves and other family members^7,18,24,25.

Regarding affective interactions and sociability, this review shows that young migrant women feel isolated from social interactions and emotional connections with family, children, friends, and school⁵, which may be because caregiving is performed in the private sphere, or because they are migrants and lack friendships in the country where they work. Fear of reporting poor working conditions and loneliness were also highlighted in two studies^5,6.

While care work involves loneliness, it can also be permeated by emotional bonds between caregivers and people being cared for, highlighting the emotional contradictions of this type of activity⁶. One strategy for keeping family ties is social media, as it fosters family bonds, belonging, trust, cooperation, and identity¹⁴.

Interestingly, in one study, two young migrants reported that, by leaving their children with their grandmothers, their employers prevented them from maintaining family relationships, especially with their children, impacting their psychological distress. The same study emphasizes that, because work involves emotional bonds with those being cared for (the hiring family), it sometimes makes it difficult to understand the oppression and exploitation they endure²³.

Another aspect highlighted by this literature review is the violence suffered by migrant women. We identified cases of bullying, abuse, mistreatment, labor exploitation⁵, child labor, domestic violence perpetrated by a stepfather and husband against a young migrant woman⁶, and racism and xenophobia against Venezuelan women³⁰. Another study highlights colonial violence and racism against Indigenous bodies, as these women exercise “some” caution during their travels to avoid sexual abuse. Similarly, they still face colonial violence, being recognized by employers as caring individuals, performing their bodies by displaying their ethnic and caregiver identities⁷.

Ethnic discrimination and sexual harassment were also found in research with Peruvian women²⁹, in addition to contemporary slave labor²⁴. Domestic violence led Peruvian women to seek paid domestic work as a way of obtaining household income, requiring their displacement²⁹.

Regarding prospects, young migrant women desire to pursue Nursing and Teaching careers⁵, that is, remaining in professions where care is central. Furthermore, although a lack of recognition at work has implications for the lives and subjectivity of migrant women, labor rights acquired under Brazilian law and working conditions appear to improve over time, contributing to a better perception of themselves and their activities²³.

Discussion

The heavy burden you carry
Flows into the strength you have
Your home is in the divine realm
Clean, smelling of rosemary
(Maria Gadú)

“The heavy burden you carry” is a central theme in the analysis of this set of articles, which examines the care work performed by young migrant women. Thus, it is necessary to historicize women’s work in the Latin American context, which recalls, never to be forgotten, the colonial violence that subjugated women to the perversities of gender coloniality.

Gender coloniality brought forward by Maria Lugones³² points out that, in capitalist society, exploitation and oppression based on race/ethnicity, gender, generation, nationality, and sexuality are especially endured by women of color, in the author’s words. From colonialism’s historical perspective, power structures were established in which Black and Indigenous people, unfortunately, were and still are considered non-human, in an intense and severe process of exploitation and violation of life, in addition to the control of reproduction and labor³².

If the modern colonial system inferiorized these women, not without resistance, it is clear that today we still experience the racial and sexual division of care work, as Lélia Gonzalez³³ rightly points out. The author affirms that the social and historical formation of Brazil, sustained by racism, the myth of racial democracy and whiteness, operates realities expressed by the socio-racial and sexual division of care, in which Black women prevail in domestic employment, a fact corroborated by official Brazilian data⁸.

The substandard working conditions found in this review are shocking, revealing that poor, Black, Indigenous, and migrant women make up the care workforce, where internal or transnational migration is essential for them to gain jobs for economic and family subsistence. They experience low or no pay, early insertion into caregiving roles, contemporary slave labor, and exhausting workdays, all of which significantly impact their physical and mental health, resulting in high levels of stress, depressive symptoms, and distress among these workers. These factors are reminiscent of the colonial structure that characterizes modern Latin American society with archaic colonial elements of the capitalist modernization process, as Beatriz Nascimento¹⁰ states.

Therefore, by starting from the intersectionality approach brought by Patricia Collins and Sirma Bilge⁴, beyond the intersection of analytical categories of gender, race/ethnicity, and class, we bring the historical perspective to complexify and scrutinize the understanding of these oppressions, understanding the reasons why care work has as its niche Black, Indigenous and poor women from the Global South, who, from a very early age, perform care for their families or others in the public space as one of the strategies for economic survival³³.

Therefore, this theoretical and methodological framework allows us to understand them from the perspective of gender as simply “caregivers”. However, by racializing them, we understand-albeit partially-the realities of substandard working conditions, patriarchy, racism, and xenophobia, as well as their challenges regarding self- and family care. Thus, we should highlight the article by Menuci et al. ³⁰, which, by intersecting this discussion, complicates the oppressions suffered by young migrants, such as sexism, racism, xenophobia and patriarchy in a work marked by the socio-racial and sexual division of care, especially in the migratory context of Latinas who suffer from insecurities, fear of death, hunger, and precarious life.

Given this situation, intersectionality³⁴ emerges as an analytical tool to solve problems that are often made invisible, articulating the sexist and racist impacts on women’s experiences, considering their historical trajectory marked by the colonial process. This powerful approach rejects the universalizing nature of analyses that fail to address issues such as the migration of young women in Latin America. It is vital to recognize that race, class, gender, migratory status, and generation shape experiences permeated by oppression.

Undoubtedly, the review elucidates the relevance of intersectional studies that, “[...] by complexifying the confrontations of female workers in the face of violence before, during, and after the migration process, provide the development of guidelines for the construction of public policies to guarantee health, work, and prevention of violence”³⁵ (p.3284), so fundamental to the lives of these young female workers.

However, it is worth noting that the generational dimension was little discussed in the sample as a whole, with the words “young”, “youth”, “adolescents”, or “generation” rarely used in the titles. If young migrant women begin working in caregiving from a very young age, whether within their families or in other people’s homes, which is characterized as child labor³⁶, this appears to be a key point for developing public policies to address this public health problem.

Regarding the mobility of young migrant women, with the increasingly severe migration restrictions in countries of the Global North and the irregular migration experienced by Black, Indigenous, and poor Latina women, it is clear that migration status is important for them to have better living, working, and motherhood conditions, which does not always occur³⁶. Young migrants, often in undocumented migration situations, face additional barriers to accessing health services in the host country, exacerbating their vulnerability, realities confirmed in the literature^1,36.

Migration status is important for living, health, and work conditions, as the lack of access to health services, often due to undocumented migration, further aggravates the situation. As mentioned by Barbosa and Tapia³⁶, young migrants tend to address illness and fear of deportation if they are undocumented.

However, young migrant women face challenges not just in paid care work. They also face obstacles in family care and motherhood, as it means dealing with separation and the inability to return to the country where their children remained, with little or no formal or informal support network³⁶.

The above statement is corroborated by this review, as young women, when migrating due to financial needs and in search of better living conditions, tend to face separation or family arrangements, as their relatives remain in their country or municipality of origin. Most of them are single, unmarried, or divorced mothers, as the existence of partners or spouses is rarely discussed. The findings reinforce the logic of the feminized migration, especially in domestic care work, where they are active subjects in the migratory process, prioritizing autonomy and financial sustainability over subjugation and dependence on male figures³⁷.

Another important aspect concerns the disrupted educational trajectories of these young women due to irregular migration or the need to prioritize work for economic subsistence³⁶. The desire to remain in care work in a profession that requires training, such as Teaching and Nursing, reinforces that their career paths tend to remain in care, as they are socially and culturally considered women’s workspaces^1-3.

We believe that the discussion of health, specifically sexual and reproductive health, and aspects of the sexuality of these young migrant women has been little addressed in the literature. Except for two articles addressing sexual violence^7,29, these topics are not visible in the selected articles. Therefore, the limited scientific evidence linking care work and the health of caregivers is troubling^1,11.

To come across these results is to be faced with the reflections of Silvia Federici¹², who, when analyzing the contradictions of reproductive work in capitalist society, refutes the idea of it being “a labor of love” (p.42), since, through exploitation, it impacts the lives of women, whether as paid work or not: “It is precisely this particular combination of physical, emotional and sexual services that is involved in the role that women must play so that capital can create the specific character of the servant that is the housewife, making her work so heavy and, at the same time, so invisible”¹² (p.45).

Shortcomings of this review are the lack of a systematic review, which may have left out some key studies, and the failure to include books and book chapters. However, through this research, we highlight the importance of the topic of youth and its deepening in studies on migration and care work. Future studies should explore these dimensions in more detail to promote effective public policies that improve the working and health conditions of young migrant women.

Final considerations

Through a literature review, we analyzed whether and how the topic of care work, performed explicitly by young migrants in the Latin American context, or by those Latinas who migrate to other continents, has been addressed in scientific research. Using an intersectional analysis, we aimed to assess the possible relationships between care work, race/skin color/ethnicity, migration status, gender, and generation.

We observed that the topic in question remains little discussed. Although we found works addressing care work, youth, and migration, the findings were scarce, suggesting the need for more empirical research related to this topic. The articles analyzed present alarming data regarding precarious care work performed by young migrant women, with low pay, impacts on physical and mental health, and even a lack of pay and restricted freedom, which is referred to as contemporary slave labor.

Few articles have presented an intersectional analysis of the topic. This hinders debate on the subject and the development of public policy proposals aimed at protecting migrant women, especially those related to work, health, education, and motherhood. Analytical categories such as race/skin color/ethnicity, gender, generation, and migratory status, particularly in the case of undocumented migrant women, are essential for a deeper understanding of the dilemmas of care work in the context of young people migrating from the Global South to the Global North.

Furthermore, we lack a historical perspective on care work from an intersectional perspective to examine the pluralities and oppressions that Black, Indigenous, poor, and migrant women experience when they move in search of work and better living conditions. This approach can help develop public policies toward social justice^4,35 to address “The heavy burden you carry.”

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Funding

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)/Ministério da Saúde-DECIT.

Data availability statement

The data sources adopted in the research are indicated in the article’s body.

Chief editors:

Maria Cecília de Souza Minayo, Romeu Gomes, Antônio Augusto Moura da Silva, Vania de Matos Fonseca

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  17 Aug 2026
• Date of issue
  Aug 2026

History

• Received
  17 Nov 2024
• Accepted
  08 May 2025
• Published
  10 May 2025