Agricultural Fairs in Brazil and France as Agents of Cooperation Circles in Space

Les salons agricoles au Brésil et en France comme vecteurs des cercles de coopération dans l’espace

Abstract

This article analyzes the major international agricultural fairs held in Brazil and France, examining how these events function as strategic cooperation circles in space within different rural spatial circuits of production (Santos, 1996). We underscore the significance of temporary geographic proximity in the current technical-scientific-informational period, seeking to understand the role of these fairs within the contemporary context marked by the geographic fragmentation of production, economic globalization, and a growing demand for the exchange of information and knowledge. Within this framework, we explore how selected fairs operate in the agricultural sectors of the Brazilian and French socio-spatial formations, highlighting the ways in which the globalized agricultural trade and international fairs articulate local and global scales.

Keywords:
cooperation circles in space; international agricultural fairs; events; Brazil; France

Resumo

O presente artigo aborda as principais feiras agropecuárias internacionais realizadas no Brasil e na França, destacando a maneira pela qual esses eventos operam como círculos de cooperação no espaço dos diferentes circuitos espaciais produtivos do campo (Santos, 1996). Ressaltamos a importância da proximidade geográfica temporária no atual período técnico-científico-informacional, buscando entender a função dessas feiras no cenário contemporâneo de fragmentação geográfica da produção, internacionalização da economia e crescente demanda por circulação de informações e conhecimentos. Nesse contexto, abordamos como algumas feiras atuam no setor da agropecuária das formações socioespaciais brasileira e francesa, considerando como o comércio agropecuário globalizado e as feiras internacionais articulam as escalas locais e globais.

Palavras-chave:
círculos de cooperação no espaço; feiras agropecuárias internacionais; eventos; Brasil; França

Résumé

Cet article analyse les principales salons agricoles internationaux organisées au Brésil et en France, en mettant en lumière leur rôle en tant que centres de coopération au sein des différents circuits de production rurale (Santos, 1996). Il souligne l’importance de la proximité géographique temporaire dans l’actuelle ère techno-scientifico-informative, et cherche à comprendre la fonction de ces salons dans un contexte marqué par la fragmentation géographique de la production, la mondialisation économique et l’échange croissant d’informations et de savoirs. Dans ce cadre, l’étude examine comment certaines salons influencent les secteurs agricoles des formations socio-spatiales brésiliennes et françaises, en considérant la manière dont le commerce agricole mondialisé et les foires internationales articulent les échelles locales et globales.

Mots-clés:
cercles de coopération dans l’espace; foires agricoles internationales; événements; Brésil; France

Introduction

The expanding and continually renewed possibilities of the globalization period-driven above all by advances in technical systems-have enabled the emergence of multiple channels of communication among agents located in different parts of the world. These developments have broadened contexts of interaction and extended across increasingly larger portions of the planet, incorporating previously disconnected places into a movement oriented toward a convergence of moments (Santos, 1996).

Within this configuration, information and communication technologies have assumed fundamental significance, since they support the emergence of a global political economy shaped by relations among geographically distant agents who nonetheless become increasingly interdependent.

Building on this premise, this article examines international agricultural trade fairs¹ in two distinct sociospatial formations (Santos, 1996), Brazil and France, and focuses on how these fairs promote co-presence (Santos, 1994), or temporary geographic proximity. We argue that, within the current technical-scientific-informational period (Santos, 1996), such fairs play a crucial role in shaping the cooperation circles that structure space (Santos, 1986; Santos, 1996; Santos; Silveira, 2005).

In contemporary agricultural activities, fairs assume a pivotal role in enabling production by articulating the diverse spatial circuits of production (Santos, 1986; Santos, 1996), thereby responding to key social and economic demands, such as the trade and consumption of food and the supply of raw materials for diverse industries.

This type of fair, both in Brazil and France, has acquired increasing relevance, opening new possibilities within the context of globalization. In this sense, they are understood as events (Santos, 1996), enabled and facilitated by transport and informational networks that bring agents into physical proximity and thereby generate new dynamics of interaction.

These events foster the intensification of import-export flows of agricultural products and accelerate the circulation of capital and information linked to such activities-outcomes of the ongoing globalization of production processes, service provision, and the consumption of these commodities.

Therefore, the integration of various spatial production cycles and their respective cooperation circles in space (Santos, 1986; Santos, 1996) becomes evident, forming a complex arrangement of multiple scales of production and differing levels of technological incorporation in the field. This, in turn, exposes the disparities that distinguish the agents of the upper and lower circuits of agrarian economies (Elias, 2013) in both France and Brazil.

Beyond this type of fair, cooperation circles also encompass a wide range of actors, including companies, States, multilateral international institutions, public and private research and development organizations, non-governmental organizations, cooperatives, social movements, and the extensive territorial, financial, and commercial division of labor. Taken together, these actors produce a wide array of goods-whether minimally or highly processed-originating from rural activities.

In Brazil, the fairs under analysis were the Agrishow (in Ribeirão Preto in the state of São Paulo), Show Rural Coopavel, (in Cascavel in the state of Paraná), and Expodireto Cotrijal, (in Não-Me-Toque in the state of Rio Grande do Sul). In France, the fairs examined were Space (in Rennes), the Journée Agri-Business Cofarming (in La Roche-sur-Yon), and the Salon International de l’Agriculture (Paris). These events demonstrate how the singularity of each fair is rooted in the specializations of their host cities, shaped primarily by face-to-face exchanges among expert professionals responding to the demands of various sectors of agriculture-ranging from local producers to large-scale global operations-that increasingly rely on digital technologies, such as the Internet of Things (IoT) and artificial intelligence (AI). Their primary purpose is to generate new conditions for cooperation, commercial exchange, and the dissemination of technological knowledge.

The articulation and exchange of information defining contemporary economic activities in both urban and rural settings require interchange, linkages, cooperation, and solidarity, as well as circumstances that enable face-to-face encounters (co-presence) (Santos, 2009) among economic agents of different contexts and scales who constitute the global agrarian economy. These dynamics find tangible expression in this type of fair.

1. Agricultural fairs: the events and agents within cooperation circles in space

The staging of agricultural fairs in a particular location, at a specific moment, and for a defined duration is conditioned by multiple factors: the density of the transportation and communication infrastructure networks that sustain them; the scale of their territorial reach-local, regional, national, or international-and by the level effectiveness that each type of fair seeks to achieve.

Thus, we conceive these fairs, in geographical terms, as events, insofar as events “change things, transform objects, giving them new characteristics” (Santos, 1996, p. 123).² As Santos (1996) argued, an event has an extension or spatiality, an area where it takes place, marked by operative actions, flows, and repercussions across multiple scales.

Fairs involving various branches of the economy temporarily concentrate, in one location, people and objects from diverse origins who share common interests (Vendrusculo, 2017). Because of this, their principal characteristic is to create a life of relations through temporary communicational densities (Santos, 1996).

Drawing on the contributions of Bathelt et al. (2014) and Bathelt and Gibson (2010), we understand agricultural fairs as sites in which multiple scales-from the local to the global-are articulated. In the case of international fairs geared toward agribusiness, informational technologies, as well as the national contexts in which these fairs take place, influence agents positioned at different geographical levels: from the local scale of agricultural production itself to agro-industrial systems operating at national and global scales. The realization of these articulations depends on local, regional, and national structures, each tied to distinct patterns of territorial specialization, as diverse as the socio-spatial formations themselves (Santos, 2005).

Moreover, fairs are integrated into the international division of labor, profoundly influencing the context of socio-spatial formation and its respective conditions of production (Vendrusculo, 2017). Fairs, particularly agricultural ones, are situated within what Santos (1996) defined as an event, stating that “The interdependency of events happens at various levels, two of which are most relevant from the geographic point of view: the levels of the world and of the place. We argue that events are the consequence of human existence on Earth, acting to create the world. One could also read “humans” as states, businesses, institutions of all kinds, entities that are, together with individuals, capable of action-remembering that action and event are imbricated movements”.³

An event should be understood as “the result of a bundle of vectors, driven by a process, and […] gives a new function to a preexisting milieu” (Santos, 1996, p. 165).⁴ Therefore, fairs may be interpreted as cooperation circles in space, articulated with the immaterial dynamics of production within the territory. They temporarily and concentrically reunite what the territorial division of labor has fragmented (Moraes, 1985; Antas Jr., 2015; Castillo; Frederico, 2010; Santos; Silveira, 2005). At the same time, these fairs express the “movement of productive specialization and the deepening of the territorial division of labor, phenomena associated with the increasing internationalization of production” (Antas Jr., 2015, p. 38).⁵

Thus, fairs also operate within the realm of communication, through the transfer of capital, commands, and information-immaterial flows that, as part of the cooperation circles, “ensure levels of organization capable of articulating geographically dispersed places and agents, coordinating the various spatially segmented stages of production” (Castillo; Frederico, 2010, p. 463).

In the current period, the role of agricultural fairs has become increasingly significant due to the internationalization of rural production. By integrating places into a shared circularity of commodities and capital, there fairs function as elements of the cooperation circles “mapping hierarchies”, as Moraes (1985, p. 25) observed, while promoting the productive advancement of modern agribusiness in Brazil and in France.

This hierarchical productive process, which increasingly incorporates informational technical systems and integrates, for example, IoT technologies into agricultural practices, generates new productive and socio-spatial dynamics related to the adaptation of places, regions, and territories to the demands of competitiveness. This underscores “the importance of geographical space in the logic of the location of economic activities, in productive activity, and in the dynamics of flows” (Castillo; Frederico, 2010, p. 468).

We emphasize that the processes observed in the Brazilian and French contexts present both complementary and contradictory characteristics: the application of techniques can intensify inequalities, while also holding the potential to mitigate them. In addition to fairs, public research institutions in both countries that develop science and technology for the agricultural sector also establish cooperation circles that operate across a wide range of commodities with global circulation, involving multiple countries, continents, scales and agents. These dynamics have been discussed in earlier works (Bertollo, 2023; Bertollo; Castillo; Busca, 2022; Bertollo; 2021; Bertollo; 2024).

Fairs provide opportunities for direct, face-to-face interaction with products, production methodologies, technologies, and specialized expertise, generating moments of learning among technicians and professionals (Bathelt et al., 2014). This is particularly significant in the agricultural sector, where producers are increasingly compelled to update their knowledge in response to the rapid pace of technological innovation, both in Brazil and in France. Thus, fairs function as relational spaces that give rise to decisive situations through which international production networks can be maintained, promoted, and expanded (Bathelt et al., 2014).

Another important aspect concerns high-technology industries operating within agriculture which, as in other sectors, depend on a context characterized by the intense dissemination of knowledge and the continuous circulation of productive information (Vendrusculo, 2017). In this regard, fairs are important events, largely because they stimulate the ongoing update of productive systems. They also create situations of co-presence (Santos, 1996) that become necessary in a conjuncture where informational infrastructures allow communication and information exchange over long distances, yet remain insufficient for certain negotiations that require face-to-face interaction.

This context is essential for collective learning processes and the diffusion of knowledge among companies, researchers, suppliers, and buyers, thereby fostering significant synergies among these agents. It is also important to note the significant transformation of major urban areas in both Brazil and France to accommodate increasingly large convention centers, which are ever more integrated into transportation and communication networks.

Therefore, promoting the temporary co-presence of global supply and demand in both countries analyzed has the potential to create ties among economic agents from different nations. In general terms, fairs concentrate “producers, suppliers, distributors, and consumers from all over the world, who cluster temporarily in order to engage in face-to-face communication” (Vendrusculo, 2017, p. 52).

In the case of agricultural fairs, the temporary interaction among participants enables companies to adjust their products to the needs arising from different regions of the world. This global nature of the sector allows specific demands to be met by companies located outside their original markets.

The presence of companies from different sectors and sizes necessitates intensive engagement in face-to-face interactions, which unfold alongside other planned or spontaneous interactions. During these interactions, information and knowledge regarding products and production methods are shared, interpreted, filtered, and retransmitted (Vendrusculo, 2017).

This circulation contributes to the growing dependence of the agricultural sector on multiple sources of information and on prior interactions that help to strengthen the confidence of rural producers who are directly affected by the introduction of new technologies in the field, such as the use of robots, drones, IoT, AI, software applications, prescription systems, among others.

Another relevant aspect is that fairs are generally strategically designed to attract communities of professionals closely linked to the same industry or technological field (Bathelt; Glücker, 2011). These events regularly bring together people from different countries, contributing to the formation of global communities of specialists who share knowledge and professional experience (Bathelt; Glücker, 2011). Their central purpose is to address problems arising from the everyday practices of their professions. Such groups have been described as communities of practice (Wenger, 1998) and epistemic communities (Knorr, 1999), as they encompass specialized professional fields whose members share common concerns and perspectives- though often with divergent perspectives-regarding their areas of activity.

The relationship between cooperation circles and fairs in situations of co-presence demonstrates the existence of an economy grounded in knowledge and relationship networks formed through the interdependencies among agents within the economic system (Vendrusculo, 2017), particularly when we examine agricultural fairs and their distinct sectors. This relationship also underscores the importance of the role of proximity, even when temporary, in the dynamics of cooperation circles in space.

Such events are not isolated instances of value production; rather, they constitute temporary, periodic, and interconnected gatherings embedded within global circuits of fairs (Power; Jansson, 2008) segmented by industry type. These circuits structure a global calendar for the release of new technologies and products, which are launched in alignment with the schedules of the respective fairs (Power; Jansson, 2008).

The contemporary territorial division of labor, which is organized in such a way as to profit from the division of agricultural and agro-industrial production into multiple technical stages distributed across various parts of the world, necessitates the articulation of these dispersed productive phases within a single logic. This gives rise to cooperation networks based on “orders, information, advertising, money [...] [for which] abundant organizational content with significant prior intellectual work is necessary” (Silveira, 2010, p. 81).

The cooperation circles in space linked to the production and distribution of agricultural outputs worldwide, across varying scales of mechanization and informational intensity, reveal the strategies of transnational corporations to secure access to technologies, to expand into new and larger markets, and to introduce novel production methodologies. They also demonstrate efforts to shape new forms of technical development and of monitoring the use of emerging technologies-especially digital ones-within agricultural contexts.

Generally speaking, fairs take place “within a delimited area and are promoted as a confined ubiquity, since they seek to enclose within a limited space a microcosm of the global industry” (Vendrusculo, 2017, p. 81). Thus, agricultural fairs concentrate different levels of cooperation circles in space, operating as globally connected networks that are systematically organized by a set of central economic agents.

2. Agricultural fairs in Brazil and France in the current technical, scientific, and productive context

International agricultural fairs are key instruments in the current phase of globalization. They operate both as tools for promoting exports and as strategies for the internationalization of firms and production systems. For decades, fairs across multiple sectors have served as material platforms through which companies interact with one another and with clients, while simultaneously establishing a commercial presence (Bathelt; Golfetto; Rinallo, 2014).

In terms of the historical development of international fairs across different sectors, their geographic distribution is closely tied to productive hubs and to the growth or decline of long-distance exchanges between regions, countries, subcontinents, or entire continents (Power; Jansson, 2008).

At agricultural fairs in both France and Brazil, commercial buyers seek highly specific information related to aspects of agricultural production that are either difficult to communicate or to source, and which are often intended for a limited number of buyers. For this reason, despite the widespread normalization of online communication, there remains a strong need for in-person encounters, where product samples can be examined directly before making purchasing decisions, particularly given the high cost of certain equipment. Consequently, these events continue to thrive across multiple sectors (Bathelt; Golfetto; Rinallo, 2014), and is especially pronounced in agriculture.

At agricultural fairs in Brazil and France, exhibitors have responded to evolving visitor expectations by organizing stands designed not only to showcase their products, but also to demonstrate their capabilities and their potential for forming partnerships. In addition to promoting products in order to enhance the visibility of a sector within a given country or region-and to legitimize technological standards in competing sectors elsewhere-these fairs also facilitate the direct sale of services within the host region, thereby generating what are commonly referred to as economic spin-offs (Bathelt; Golfetto; Rinallo, 2014).

This phenomenon increases the visibility of companies in localities hosting fairs and is important for their development at the local scale, leading to competition among local and regional governments to attract commercial fairs (Bathelt; Golfetto; Rinallo, 2014).

Agricultural fairs in both countries foster interactions among suppliers, producers, users, specialists, media representatives, and other agents who come together to exchange information on the current and future development of agribusiness. These interactions encompass discussions on regulatory frameworks, taxation, economic agreements, environmental issues, energy sources, and broader political conditions.

Brazilian and French fairs also share an emphasis on the exhibition of products, prototypes, and innovations, bringing together a wide range of companies and specialized institutions. The continuous face-to-face interactions that occur in this context create a conducive environment for exchanging experiences and knowledge, as well as for establishing commercial agreements. Across various sectors, fairs function as concentrated repositories of specific information regarding technologies, markets, strategies, and solutions, which are circulated through both formal meetings and spontaneous encounters (Bathelt; Schuldt, 2008).

From the exhibitor’s perspective, this exchange includes discussions on commercial transactions with clients and suppliers, conversations with interested actors about product characteristics and developments in industry, considerations regarding specific opportunities for problem-solving or improvements, and negotiations with clients from different parts of the world (Borghini et al., 2004).

Companies benefit from the decentralized circulation of information and the multiple channels through which it flows during fairs. Moreover, because fairs function as temporary markets, they operate as key nodes in the global knowledge economy and in the internationalization of traditional industrial districts. This occurs within a broader context in which smaller, district-level fairs are gradually supplanted by international fairs that provide more direct access to foreign markets (Bathelt; Golfetto; Rinallo, 2014).

The specialization of fairs is closely linked to the territorial specialization of local, regional, and national economies. This relationship is conditioned by the profile of firms within the catchment areas of the fairs, which constitute captive markets for organizers.

Differentiation strategies among fairs, based on territorial specialization, stem from local cultural specificities and contribute to shaping the public image of the host region or nation. These strategies operate alongside national institutional variations that further reinforce the distinctive specialization of each fair (Golfetto, 2004; Rinallo; Golfetto, 2011). Together, these factors help explain the diversity of agricultural fairs held in different cities or regions across France and Brazil.

2.1 The specialization of international commercial fairs

Fairs produce distinct economic effects across different geographic scales. At a local level, they generate economic flows and stimulate the development of a service economy specialized in supporting these events. At a regional level, they are linked to patterns of productive territorial specialization. While at a national level, fairs promote learning processes and technological choices among participating firms, which are shaped by existing productive specialization, while also contributing to the ongoing consolidation of national specialization patterns (Bathelt; Golfetto; Rinallo, 2014).

Thus, fairs retain a distinctive character grounded in national patterns of territorial specialization. The intensive exchanges of knowledge that take place during these events, supported by commercial transactions and material flows that often unfold in subsequent stages, contribute to reinforcing territorial economic specialization, shaped by the underlying industrial structures and the territorial, cultural, and economic influences.

Economic specialization may take different forms and manifest across various spatial scales. For example, highly integrated local or regional industrial agglomeration may emerge composed of a specific industry and its associated supplier and service sectors, evolving into industrial concentrations that come to dominate local or regional economies. This is exemplified by the dairy agrifood industries in France and the grain-processing industries in Brazil.

There may also be concentrations of competing firms within a specific sector that do not collaborate directly with one another, yet still benefit from a shared labor market and from the joint attraction of clients-as observed among Agtech⁶ companies in both France and Brazil. Another form of specialization is national industrial specialization, in which certain national sectors become globally competitive through intensive export activities, leading to the relative strengthening of these industries within a given country. This may be observed, for example, in the export of certain commodities from Brazil and France, where informational technologies increasingly play a central role. These structures are described as expressions of “territorial specialization at different scales” (Bathelt; Golfetto; Rinallo, 2014, p. 111).

The activities associated with fairs generate significant direct and indirect economic impacts for host cities and regions. These impacts include expenditures made directly in the local economy by fair organizers, exhibitors, and visitors, such as event admission fees, stand setup and assembly costs, exhibition services, transportation of goods, equipment rental and technical support, and spending on hotels, restaurants, leisure, and entertainment by participants. Beyond their economic effects, these events are capable of shaping and assigning urban identities, as cities compete with one another and generate divers expectations within the market.

The financial flows generated by fairs stimulate multiple sectors of the local economy, such as tourism, services, and infrastructure, thereby promoting broader regional economic growth. Furthermore, fairs establish a certain convergence of knowledge that facilitates continuous flows of goods, people, and ideas within the territories that host them (Bathelt; Golfetto; Rinallo, 2014).

3. The main characteristics of international agricultural fairs in Brazil and France in the technical-scientific-informational period

Considering fairs as forms of temporary geographical proximity and understanding them as expressions of this proximity in the technical-scientific-informational period highlights their role as important agents within cooperation circles in space.

Drawing on Boschma’s (2005) and Torre’s (2008) reflections on the role of proximity in information exchange, together with the contributions of Bathelt et al. (2014) and Bathelt and Glücker (2011) on temporary clusters, we understand fairs to be not only mechanisms that reinforce the fragmentation of global production, but also representations of the emerging dynamics of integration between economy and territory. This is particularly evident in the current context marked by the consolidation of economic blocs such as BRICS, negotiations between Mercosur and the European Union, and the recent “tariff wars.”

We emphasize that the definition of temporary clusters proposed by these authors is linked to modalities of knowledge production and cooperation, which are grounded in situations of co-presence, while simultaneously reflecting the increasing relevance of temporary forms of agglomeration and economic interaction.

The examples of major agricultural fairs in Brazil and France illustrate these dynamics, taking into account the differences in each country’s socio-spatial formation and their respective positions within the territorial division of labor.

3.1 Some of the major agricultural fairs in Brazil

First, we examine one of the largest agribusiness fairs in Brazil: the Agrishow, held in Ribeirão Preto, in the state of São Paulo (SP). Its relevance is evidenced by scale of sales, business transactions, and the volume of participants and visitors it attracts. The event features hundreds of stands and demonstrations of new products and production methods for different crop types and property sizes, with an increasing emphasis on technological applications in rural settings, such as the use of IoT, AI, robotics, agricultural machinery, and digital financial solutions. It is also important to highlight the relevance of Ribeirão Preto to the agribusiness sector, given its diversified agro-industrial base and its significance in other sectors such as healthcare, education, research, commerce, and services.

In 2024, the 30^th edition of the Agrishow brought together approximately 800 exhibitors and 195,000 visitors in an area of 520,000 m². The main national and international stands were associated with precision agriculture, family farming, storage and silos, auto parts and tires, fertilizers, soil conditioners and pesticides, safety equipment, irrigation systems, tools, financing and financial services, agricultural and construction machinery, livestock production, seeds, fencing materials, transportation, and logistics.

Most visitors were farmers and rural producers of various scales, as well as consultants, farm administrators, agronomists, agricultural technicians, veterinarians, and animal scientists.

Given the importance of commodity production and export in Brazil, the main crops represented at the fair included soy, maize, livestock, sugarcane, coffee, horticultural crops, citrus, cotton, and forestry products. The event received sponsorship from major public financial institutions such as the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES), the Caixa Econômica Federal Bank, the Banco do Brasil, the Cooperative Credit System (Sicred), and support from the Federal Government.

As an important agent within the cooperation circles of certain productive sectors, the fair also served as a venue for disseminating the first-quarter results from the Brazilian Association of the Machinery and Equipment Industry (ABIMAQ), in conjunction with the National Union of the Machinery Industry. In addition, it hosted the launch of the 2026 Agricultural Census, currently being developed through a partnership between the Brazilian Society of Rural Economics, Administration, and Sociology (SOBER) and the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) (SOBER, 2024). The event also included a public statement by the Parliamentary Front in Support of Agribusiness (FPA), calling on the Federal Government to strengthen the Plano Safra⁷. The FPA, commonly referred to as the Ruralist Caucus, is composed of federal legislators from both the Chamber of Representatives and the Senate.

We highlight that the FPA plays a direct role in the formulation and promotion of laws aimed at strengthening the productive capacities, profitability, and operational reach of agribusiness in Brazil. Furthermore, it is actively involved in efforts to prevent the approval of bills that run counter to the interests of this sector, promoting a discourse that praises the hegemonic agribusiness model and aligns itself with the narrative predominant in mainstream media.

Thus, the fairs analyzed in Brazil play a strategic role in fostering both practices and discourses aligned with a particular mode of territorial use, especially one in which the Brazilian fiscal structure sustains the profitability of agribusiness and a specific investment model. This dynamic is driven largely by the relatively low taxation on commodity exports and on land ownership-such as the Rural Land Tax (ITR)-as well as by the availability of credit from public and private financial institutions, the approval and regulation of agrochemicals, and other incentives supported by the Federal Legislature, which is heavily influenced by a parliamentary caucus aligned with agribusiness interests.

This fair generated approximately BRL 500 million in economic activity in Ribeirão Preto and its surrounding region (Agrishow, 2024), revealing the capacity of such events to stimulate economic flows, influence urban networks, and mobilize a range of actors, producing effects on local, regional, and national scales.

Another fair examined was the Expodireto Cotrijal, held in Não-Me-Toque, in the state of Rio Grande do Sul (RS). Occupying 131.2 hectares of infrastructure, the fair has been held annually since 2000. The 2024 edition recorded 377,000 visitors, 600 exhibitors, and representatives from 71 countries. It featured stands presenting a broad array of products and production methodologies, as well as the participation of research institutions, private and state-owned companies, and financial institutions (Expodireto Cotrijal, 2024).

It should be noted that the municipality of Não-Me-Toque, with a population of approximately 18,000, was the city in Rio Grande do Sul that received the largest volume of investments from the Southern Regional Development Bank (BRDE) in 2023. A total of BRL 130 million for grain storage and the development of photovoltaic energy systems, contracted by Cotrijal, the cooperative responsible for organizing Expodireto (Banco Regional de Desenvolvimento do Extremo Sul, 2024).

The Expodireto Cotrijal fair brought together exhibitors of agricultural machinery and equipment, crop production, livestock production, production methodologies for family farming, environmental management, research development, services, and technology.

Another important fair in Brazil is Show Rural Copavel, held in Cascavel, in the state of Paraná (PR). Organized since 1989, the fair is designed to serve both small- and large-scale producers, particularly those engaged in food production, with a strong emphasis on technological innovation. In its 2024 edition, it attracted 600 exhibitors across and infrastructure area of 720 thousand m² (Show Rural Copavel, 2024). It is also important to note that this fair takes place in the city of Cascavel, known as the “Metropolis of Mercosur”, whose gross production value (GPV) reached BRL 2.7 billion in 2022. The city occupies a strategically significant position due to its proximity to Argentina and Paraguay (Hirakuri, 2018).

Agriculture and livestock production are central to the economy of the Cascavel region. In addition to contributing substantially to the regional gross domestic product, these activities underpin the consolidation of a large agro-industrial complex and a broad network of agricultural services that supply machinery, equipment, financing, inputs, laboratory analyses, and outsourced activities necessary for rural producers. This network directly influences other economic sectors, including industry, commerce, and services (Hirakuri, 2018). This region is also among the leading producers of grains in both the state of Paraná and across Brazil, especially soybeans, maize, and wheat.

Therefore, territorial factors-such as local industrial agglomerations and cultural identities-play a central role in shaping the focus and thematic orientations of the fairs held in Ribeirão Preto (SP), Não-Me-Toque (RS), and Cascavel (PR).

3.2 The major agricultural fairs in France

Through fieldwork, we observed that France promotes a range of fairs that encompass both agribusiness and small- and medium-sized producers associated with what is known as terroir. This concept refers to the relationship between production and territory, including geographical indication, and the socio-environmental conditions, defined by factors such as soil, climate, topography, population, and the agricultural practices that influence the characteristics of a product. These are territories, whose particular attributes distinguish them, from an agronomic perspective, from neighboring areas (Aveni, 2024).

The term terroir was once used in the sense of country or territory, and today refers to the combination of the local environment and savoir-faire that confer specific qualities to a production, generally food-related (Aveni, 2024).

This concept is widely employed in the main agricultural fairs in France and is also applied in other European countries, particularly in enology and gastronomy. It refers to the unique interaction between spatial characteristics, soil, climate, and local cultural practices that collectively shape the qualities of an agricultural product, such as wine, coffee, cheese, and cocoa (Bonfante; Brillante, 2022). In the Brazilian context, the concept of terroir has been applied primarily to wine, coffee, and regional food production (Oliveira et al., 2024).

In addition to terroir, France also has a system known as Appellation d’Origine Contrôlée (AOC) (controlled designation of origin), emphasizing protected geographical designation. Other European countries have their own approaches adapted to their traditions and specific products, given that, at the regulatory level, European Union legislation aims to protect products with distinctive characteristics associated with a particular geographical origin, such as wine, cheese, traditional foods, and agricultural products (Aveni, 2024).

These considerations are central to understanding the objectives pursued by French fairs and the dilemmas that emerge between traditional food standards, agroecology, small-scale production, ultra-processed foods, and the globalized agribusiness sector.

With regard to solutions for small and medium-sized producers, especially those dedicated to traditional food production, a common feature observed at the Space, Journée Agri-Business Cofarming, and Salon International de l’Agriculture fairs was the presence of institutions that support family farming and small and medium producers, such as the Confédération Paysanne (CP)⁸ and the Chambres d’Agriculture⁹. These organizations play a significant role in the cooperation circles within the productive spatial circuits of the dairy, cereal, viticulture, livestock, fruit and vegetable cultivation, root and tuber production, and organic agriculture sectors.

These two institutions were present with stands and offered lectures on programs and assistance for small and medium producers, supported by face-to-face interaction and co-presence situations in all the fairs analyzed.

Both actors promote the commercialization of agri-food products through systems that involve either direct sales from producer to consumer or indirect sales via a single intermediary, based on geographic and relational proximity between producers and consumers and the organization of short supply chains.

A key dimension of this process is the valorization of locally situated and identifiable product origins, expressed through traceability and seasonality, alongside the participation of the producers, particularly small and medium-sized producers, at every stage of production, processing, and commercialization.

Sales support through distribution channels involves training and capacity-building in product processing, networked communication, logistical strategies, and substantial investments in laboratories, equipment, and vehicles. In this regard, the Chambres d’Agriculture and the Confédération Paysanne offer support packages that include specialized training in specific subjects, public visibility through social media and events, communication and marketing tools, commercial organization via farmers’ markets, technical visits to farms, integration into farmer networks, and consulting services provided by multidisciplinary technical teams.

Whether through stands focused on selling products, equipment, and production methodologies, or through the presence of entities such as the Confédération Paysanne and the Chambres d’Agriculture, these fairs rely on direct face-to-face interaction among specialized professionals who respond to the needs of various agricultural sectors. In doing so, the fairs together with the agents that make up the cooperation circles-from local to global scales-provide the conditions necessary for cooperation, exchange, and the dissemination of technological knowledge.

We also emphasize the presence at all the fairs of the Ministry of Agriculture and Food and the French research and development institution Institut National de la Recherche Agronomique et Environnement (INRAE).¹⁰

Held annually in Rennes, the Space Fair is one of the leading agricultural events in France and Europe. It convenes a wide range of stakeholders, including producers, companies, startups, laboratories, the Ministry of Agriculture and Food, research institutions, involving activities across sectors such as dairy and beef cattle, pigs, sheep, goats, rabbits, and aquaculture. The fair places special emphasis on presenting machinery and technological innovations in the sector.

In 2024, the fair featured 1,200 exhibitors in the “heart of Western France (Grand Ouest)”, a region recognized as one of main centers of cattle production in Europe. The event provides an environment in which producers can interact directly with companies and institutions developing technologies in genetics and animal monitoring, IoT, and AI. The event was sponsored by Banque Populaire, one of France’s largest agricultural credit banks, as well as transnational corporations specializing in fertilizers, pesticides, and seeds, such as Yara and Syngenta.

This fair closely resembles the Salon International de l’Agriculture in Paris, whose 60^th edition in 2024 was the largest agricultural fair in France, drawing nearly 600,000 visitors. In addition to debates on European agricultural policies, the event showcased field-oriented technology applications, AgTechs, aquaculture, and digital and analytical tools used in farming and livestock production. The event was sponsored by major companies, including DeLaval, one of France’s largest dairy production firms, and Crédit Agricole, a major institution specializing in agricultural credit, and present at both events.

The Journée Agri-Business Cofarming fair is held in La Roche-sur-Yon, in the department of Vendée, in northwestern France, a region whose characteristics strongly influence the profile of the event. Vendée is a major agricultural hub, particularly for cattle and poultry production, and hosts numerous agri-food companies that draw on local culinary traditions, such as the production of dry-cured ham with Protected Geographical Indication (PGI). In addition to these activities, the region is also shaped by several significant fishing ports, such as Les Sables-d'Olonne, which plays a central role in fish and oyster farming.

This fair mobilizes rural producers of varying scales, alongside experimental farming cooperatives employing IoT, and agricultural cooperatives such as Cavac, which serves producers in the Vendée region. It also includes the presence of French institutions specializing in applied research for food production technologies, meteorology, IoT, veterinary technologies, and agroecology. Moreover the event brings together regulatory actions for commercial and technological exchange between departments and communes, as well as producer training, AgTechs, and partnerships with major research institutions in France, including INRAE.

The issue of the energy matrix-particularly the implementation of infrastructure and the rising costs of electricity, gas, and fossil fuels that affect production-was addressed by nearly all exhibitors at the Space, Salon International de l’Agriculture, and Journée Agri-Business Cofarming fairs. Numerous discussions and presentations highlighted the adoption of alternative technologies, such as photovoltaics, in agricultural production in France and within the European Union more broadly, as part of ongoing efforts to develop more economically viable and sustainable energy solutions.

An important point to highlight is that, in 2022, France resumed energy imports-after more than 40 years-from Spain, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and especially Germany. The latter has been under significant energy pressure, largely due to the reduced supply of Russian gas following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which resulted in disruptions to energy markets across Europe (Marques, 2024).

In addition, the French state-owned company Électricité de France (EDF) reduced electricity generation in several nuclear power plants, particularly those located along the Rhône and Garonne rivers in southeastern France. This reduction was due to recent increases in river water temperature, which have diminished the cooling capacity of these rivers, since higher temperatures pose risks to aquatic ecosystems.

This crisis was further aggravated by the shutdown of half the country’s 56 nuclear reactors in 2022 for maintenance, repairs, or due to infrastructure limitations. As a result, in 2023/2024, nuclear energy generation in France reached its lowest level in more than three decades (ASNR, 2024). This decline was accompanied by a marked increase in energy costs: the average price of electricity rose by approximately 100%, from €0.1256/kWh in 2020 to €0.2516/kWh in 2025 (Ministères Territoires Écologie Logement, 2025).

In addition to the focus on energy transition, the three fairs are also grounded in the functional specialization of places and cities. Rennes and La Roche-sur-Yon are located in regions with strong agricultural production, while Paris, as the national capital, concentrates business negotiations, financial exchanges, and debates more directly connected to the Ministry of Agriculture and Food. As a result, each fair is shaped by the specific requirements of its agricultural activities, specialized professional fields, and targeted consumer markets.

Thus, in the current period, it may be observed that fairs across a wide range of sectors no longer focus exclusively on sales. Rather, they prioritize the flows of information exchanged among suppliers, consumers, and competing firms. In other words, they function as relational networks capable of generating both tangible gains (financial) and intangible gains (symbolic capital, such as trustworthiness, quality, and relational value) (Vendrusculo, 2017).

We emphasize that, at present, exhibition centers in France are generally co-owned by the local Chamber of Commerce (the majority shareholder) and private real estate management companies (minority shareholders). International fairs are predominantly organized by private companies and, in some instances, by trade associations (Bathelt; Golfetto; Rinallo, 2014).

The configuration of the local and regional industrial structure has created sustained demand for exhibitions and, over the years, has contributed to the establishment of several major international fairs. The specialization of events observed in France’s principal fairs largely reflects the specialization of the country’s production systems, characterized by the consolidation of agro-industrial complexes and the strong presence of technical and associative support institutions.

In this context, these events reflect not only the strength of particular agricultural sectors, but also the articulation between production and territory, often linked to regions with protected denominations of origin and to productive practices specific to a given terroir.

There is substantial participation by organizations representing small- and medium-scale agriculture, such as the Confédération Paysanne (CP) and the Chambres d’Agriculture, in international fairs, where they play a pertinent role in mediating relations between producers, the state, and the market. Moreover, French fairs are closely articulated with specific territories, promoting and valorizing regional diversity as a key component of competitiveness and economic identity.

Studies on agricultural fairs can contribute to understanding how these events function as arenas of productive and technological cooperation, expressing both corporate strategies and the ways in which agricultural production is territorialized across different scales-from small to large producers-and across distinct socio-spatial formations.

Final remarks

International agricultural trade fairs constitute forms of temporary geographical proximity within the context of the technical-scientific-informational period. They operate as focal agents in forming and maintaining cooperation circles in space across the various productive spatial circuits of the agricultural sector.

These events are not limited to merely reassembling the fragmented nature of global production on a temporary basis. They also play a central role in shaping new dynamics of integration between economy and territory across different socio-spatial formations, whether in Brazil or in France.

Fairs reflect the dynamics of a globalized economy-particularly in the production of food, commodities, raw materials, and other agricultural goods-which is increasingly dependent on information and knowledge. By producing temporary forms of co-presence, they influence global economic dynamics and enable the emergence of new models of cooperation circles in space in the contemporary period.

We stress that the integration of multiple agents within the agricultural economy-across local, regional, national, and global scales-is grounded in a shared universe of relationships. This universe is structured as a network linking specific segments of a given productive spatial circuit, whose reach exceeds the individual geographical scale of action of each actor involved. The foundation of these cooperation circles in space lies in the construction of networks and in the dissemination of forms of solidarity that are consistent with the processes of globalization.

Here, the concept of ties (Lazzarini, 2011) derives from social relations rooted both in business strategies and in market interactions. These ties operate as channels through which information, knowledge, and productive and commercial practices circulate.

Concomitant with these connections, the technical composition of the territory undergoes transformation, intensifying the flows of people, objects, and information. This process renders the relational life of places, companies, and individuals increasingly complex, within both the Brazilian and French socio-spatial formations.

In this context, the agricultural fairs analyzed, situated within an industrial and technological field, suggest that these temporary agglomerations are interconnected. The events exhibit overlapping agendas and draw diverse groups of participants with distinct expectations, thereby revealing a plurality of objectives that motivate their participation.

Thus, the cooperation circles in space mediate the relations between the actors involved in agricultural production and the final consumer, driving the agricultural productive spatial circuits at different scales and intensifying the flows of products, capital, commands, and information.

These fairs form part of a continuous, integrated cycle of other events that sustain the reflexive and cumulative production of knowledge in this field. They play a fundamental role in promoting production, establishing partnerships, facilitating commercial exchanges, and advancing scientific development within agriculture more broadly. The impacts of these processes on Brazilian and French territories are conditioned by the complexity of the rural sphere in both countries: the coexistence of different forms, class struggles, conflicts, contradictions, complementarities, and external factors-such as recent territorial disputes and import taxation conflicts. The broader diversity of rural areas, therefore, cannot be reduced solely to agribusiness or to peasant agriculture alone, but rather spaces where all these elements coexist, often in tension.

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• 1
  Throughout the article, we use the term “fairs” instead of “international agricultural trade fairs”, given the frequency with which it appears.
• 2
  N.B. For direct citations, the English version was extracted from Santos (2021, p. 93). Translated by Brenda Baletti.
• 3
  N.B. For direct citations, the English version was extracted from Santos (2021, p. 105). Translated by Brenda Baletti.
• 4
  N.B. For direct citations, the English version was extracted from Santos (2021, p. 57). Translated by Brenda Baletti.
• 5
  This and all other non-English citations hereafter have been translated by the author.
• 6
  Agtechs are companies—generally startups—whose purpose is to produce innovations for agricultural activities, based on Big Data, IoT, and artificial intelligence.
• 7
  The Plano Safra is a Federal Government program aimed at providing funding resources for agricultural activities in Brazil.
• 8
  The Confédération Paysanne (CP) is an agricultural union with 30 years of activity that brings together small farmers who cultivate food in small communities, on smaller-scale farms that make rational use of natural resources. The CP is guided by the principles of food sovereignty and traceability in the purchase, production, processing, and sale of products, seeking to ensure greater autonomy in farm management and dignity in labor. The union also develops partnerships with other stakeholders in the rural sector to promote diversity in livestock breeds and in the varieties of cultivated plants. At agricultural fairs, the CP provides support to producers on environmental issues, such as cases of agricultural damage, as well as guidance on biosafety, agroecological practices, vaccination and pest management, land acquisition for agricultural production projects, technical training, and legal assistance related to land, taxes, and working conditions. A key priority is to support producers who wish to maintain practices suited to their specific ways of life and to resist land appropriation by foreign investors and corporations (Confédération Paysanne, 2024).
• 9
  The Chambres d’Agriculture, also strongly present at the fairs, are consular bodies that have operated in France since 1924. They represent a range of economic actors involved in agricultural activities, including farmers, landowners, employees, agricultural organizations, cooperatives, credit institutions, and unions. Their central mission is to support farmers in technical, scientific, economic, and social development. By participating in the Chambres d’Agriculture, farmers may be called upon by local authorities to contribute to discussions on regional development. This institutional structure is composed of the Chambre Nationale, the national-level body that represents the Chambres d’Agriculture, and is responsible for providing public services, coordinating missions at local or regional scales, and defining guidelines and conditions for implementing agricultural, rural, and environmental development policies established by the State, French regions, and the European Union. They also offer technical, legal, economic, and financial assistance to agricultural producers (Chambres d’Agriculture, 2024). The Chambres also play a key role in supporting the creation of small enterprises in milk processing, dairy production, meat commercialization, and agricultural production within the so-called short supply chains.
• 10
  INRAE is one of the largest research institutes in France—with 18 research centers nationwide and approximately 10,000 employees—and in Europe in the field of agricultural science and technology. Its mission is to promote policies to ensure food and nutritional security, agricultural transition (agroecology, reduction in the use of chemical inputs), the management of natural resources and ecosystems (water, soil, forests), biodiversity protection, the circular economy, and natural risk management. INRAE also addresses issues related to living and working conditions and farmers’ remuneration, the economic competitiveness of enterprises, regional planning, and access to healthy and diversified food (INRAE, 2025).
• Declaração de disponibilidade de dados
  Todo o conjunto de dados que dá suporte aos resultados deste estudo foi publicado no próprio artigo.

Edited by

• Article’s editor:
  Paula Juliasz

Data availability

Todo o conjunto de dados que dá suporte aos resultados deste estudo foi publicado no próprio artigo.

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  03 July 2026
• Date of issue
  2026

History

• Received
  02 July 2025
• Accepted
  30 Oct 2025