INTRODUCTION
The National Tobacco Control Policy (PNCT)1 is a successful public health intervention model. Other non-communicable diseases (NCDs)2 prevention and combat programs, such as those related to alcohol and unhealthy nourishment, are treading through the same pathways tobacco control initiatives have taken in lawmaking and regulatory instances and health promotion.
The creation in 2003 of a PNCT governmental commission3 which entailed the adoption of multi-sectoral policies – definition of minimal cigarette prices, improvement of health warning labels on cigarette packs, advertising banning, and smoking bans4 in public areas –, provoked a significant reduction in the prevalence of smoking5.
However, smoking continues to kill 173 thousand smokers annually, there are 22 million Brazilian smokers still6, whose majority smoke daily, mostly in low-income and education groups, potentially affected by severe diseases with social and economic repercussion for their families and society7,8.
Time-series analyzes of surveys and research revealed concerning epidemiologic data and raised a red flag among managers and investigators. Deceleration and inertia of the percent drop of adult smokers between 2018 and 2024, according to the surveillance system for risk and protective factors for chronic diseases by telephone survey (Vigitel)8, may indicate that the effects of the measures implemented so far are no longer as effective as before. The estimates suggest that the goal of prevalence of NCDs of 40% by 2030 will not be achieved9.
In addition, the national survey of school health (PeNSE) revealed an increase in the proportion of current smokers among adolescents (6.6% in 2015 to 6.8% in 2019), standing out 16-17 years old girls10. This growth may have various and combined causes as easy access to buy cigarettes online11 and at sellers per unit12, social media advertising13, weak tax policy which expands affordability and illicit ENDS (electronic nicotine delivery system) sale, already appearing in the statistics – according to the national alcohol and drugs survey 2025, 8.8% of the 14-years old or older population tried this product and 5.6% claimed they used it in the last year14. A possible outcome of this context was pointed out by the national health survey (PNS): among 18-24-years-old smokers, the prevalence was kept stable between 2013 and 2019 as opposed to the decline observed in older individuals5. The availability of illicit tobacco products, 38.6% of the Brazilian market15, and the growth of smokers during the COVID-19 pandemic16 are part of this epidemiologic scenario.
PNS revealed a negative variation of 8.8% in the attempt to smoke cessation between 2013 and 2019, mostly in low education groups and in the age range of 40-59 years, where good part of the smokers can be found17. In addition, PNS observed that, regardless of the increase of visits to the doctor for several causes, the proportion of those who received counseling to quit smoking dropped from 57.1% in 2008 to 51% in 2019, and in this year, health professionals missed the opportunity to guide and encourage ten million smokers18.
DEVELOPMENT
This epidemiological scenario indicates an urgency and necessity to adopt social marketing-based novel communication strategies to reach the smoker, expand their knowledge, and change their behaviour, strengthening the engagement in smoke cessation19. The use of digital technologies (SMS, interactive apps, chatbots etc.) is a notable way to encourage smokers in their decision to quit smoking and support cessation treatment programs20. Understandably, they are wide-ranging interventions but require technological development, structure maintenance, and data protection, among others.
Nevertheless, innovative and non-technological solutions have been proven to be effective. Brazil has a recognized experience with health warning labels on cigarette packs21. Since 2001, phrases and images required by the National Health Regulatory Agency (Anvisa) present a negative approach (or of losses) about tobacco's impact on health, whose objective is to inform, make the smoker to repel it, in contrast with the alluring graphic elements of cigarette brands. Anvisa's decision held the tobacco industry responsible for producing and printing these health warnings.
Furthermore, evidence suggests that negative health warnings that provoke fear and repulsion should be accompanied by positive behaviors that help the smoker to find ways to overcome their chemical and psychic dependence22. In that line, Canada's experience in enclosing package inserts on smoking cessation is a viable low-cost regulatory alternative for governments, strengthening guiding strategies and encouragement for smokers23.
Canadian package inserts bring two distinct positive approaches: (1) guidelines on how to quit smoking (on your own or relying on specialized support) that imbue the smokers with the belief they can change their behavior towards a healthier goal (perception of self-efficacy)24; (2) the benefits of quitting that stimulate the belief that behavioral change will reduce the risk of negative health consequences (perception of response efficacy)24 to motivate habits changing. In that line, the literature on inserts presents positive results: more attempts to quit smoking, increased search for treatment services and support during smoking withdrawal25.
Since Brazilian smokers are aware of the tobacco health harms (through educative campaigns and health warnings)5, it is likely that communication strategies that highlight the benefits of smoking cessation (reinforcing the perception of response efficacy) and suggest attitudes the smokers can take on their own or health services where they have access to the treatment (promoting the perception of self-efficacy) can help to reverse the epidemiological scenario. In this last hypothesis, it is essential that the service where treatment is provided be disseminated across a larger number of health units and can absorb a large number of smokers with different profiles of nicotine dependence26.
Still, Anvisa would have to deal with the challenges resulting from the implementation of this initiative as monitoring cigarette packs to check whether the inserts are fully enclosed and their simultaneous or rotation distribution as stipulated in Law # 9,294/1996 and a probable resistance of the tobacco industry, including judicialization, as already occurred with other regulatory interventions27.
CONCLUSION
Smoking is a public health problem far from being resolved; it can't be accountable for paying the price of the success of its policy, which can be ephemeral. If a priority is not granted in both the political and lawmaking agenda, nor a recipient of investments in innovation and in effectively-proven experiences, it is possible that future population investigations reflect a reversal of the downward trend of smoking prevalence with impactful and negative social and economic consequences for the entire society.
Adopting novel strategies to communicate with the smoker can be useful. Most of the smokers have low nicotine dependence and claimed they did not have any support or counseling when they tried to quit smoking, as the PNS made clear. Eventually, there is an opportunity window to encourage them to quit smoking with handy daily-life tips and steer them to rely on the public health network.
Inserts added to the package are a cost-effective measure within Anvisa's jurisdiction, supported by Law # 9,782/1999 that ensured the Agency the ability to rule and control tobacco products, and by Law # 9,924/1996 that rules health warnings printed on cigarette packs. Insofar as the existing knowledge goes and the urgency of new educative strategies for smokers, national studies must analyze forms and characteristics of communication with positive approaches suitable to the national smoking population.
DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
All content underlying the text is contained in the manuscript.
References
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Edited by
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Scientific-editor:
Anke Bergmann. Orcid iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1972-8777
